Memoirs of Hajj Muhammad Amin al-Husseini • مذكرات الحاج مُحمّد أمين الحسيني
To transcribe as much as possible, speed and accuracy have been prioritized as dual goals. The transcription has been done with optical character recognition (automated digital tools) with only light proofreading, except when indicated otherwise. The translation is via Google Translate, again with only light proofreading.
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مذكرات إعداد وتصنيف عبد الكريم العمر | Memoirs Prepared and classified by Abdul Karim al-Omar | |
5 | المقدمة قسمت الكتاب إلى ثلاثة فصول: - الفصل الأول: ويحوي موجزاً لسيرة حياة سماحة المفتي وهجرته الاضطرارية من موطنه فلسطين حيث لاحقته سلطات الأنتداب البريطاني على فلسطين، وحاصرت بقواتها العسكرية منزله الكائن في حرم المسجد الأقصى المبارك، لإلقاء القبض عليه، محاولة بذلك وقف جهاده وكفاحه من أجل حرية واستقلال وطنه. دامت هجرته في سبيل وطنه فلسطين لمدة ثلاثين عاماً فقد غادره متخفياً بملابس بدوية بسيطة مهلهلة في تمام الساعة السابعة من مساء الثامن من شعبان ١٣٥٦ ه الموافق ١٣ أكتوبر ١٩٣٧، متوجهاً إلى لبنان وعاد إليه في صبيحة يوم الأربعاء العشرين من ذي القعدة ١٣٨٦ ه الموافق الأول من آذار ١٩٦٧، حيث هبطت الطائرة التي تقل سماحته في مطار القدس قادماً من بيروت، ليستأنف جهاده وكفاحه من أجل تحرير فلسطين. يحتوي الفصل الأول سيرته النضالية منذ غادر القدس عام ١٩٣٧ حتى نهاية الحرب العالمية الثانية، ومغادرته ألمانيا بعد سقوطها في أيدي الحلفاء إلى فرنسا حيث اعتقل في باريس. | Introduction This book includes pages from the memoirs of the head of the Palestinian national movement, His Eminence the late Hajj Muhammad Amin al-Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Palestine - President of the Higher Arab Committee for Palestine - President of the Islamic Sharia Council - President of the World Islamic Conference. The book also includes a documentary appendix with official international, Arab and Palestinian texts related to the Palestinian cause and some Arab and Islamic issues, with some rare historical maps and photographs. All of them shed light on part of the journey of this great historical leader. I divided the book into three chapters: - Chapter One: It contains a summary of the biography of His Eminence the Mufti and his forced migration from his homeland, Palestine, where the British Mandate authorities in Palestine pursued him and surrounded his home in the compound of the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque with their military forces, in order to arrest him, in an attempt to stop his struggle and jihad for the freedom and independence of his homeland. His migration for the sake of his homeland Palestine lasted for thirty years. He left it disguised in simple, ragged Bedouin clothes at exactly seven o'clock in the evening of the eighth of Sha'ban 1356 AH corresponding to October 13, 1937, heading to Lebanon and returned to it on the morning of Wednesday, the twentieth of Dhul-Qi'dah 1386 AH corresponding to March 1, 1967, where the plane carrying His Eminence landed at Jerusalem Airport coming from Beirut, to resume his jihad and struggle for the liberation of Palestine. The first chapter contains his struggle biography from the time he left Jerusalem in 1937 until the end of World War II, and his departure from Germany after it fell into the hands of the Allies to France, where he was arrested in Paris. |
6 | - الفصل الثاني: ويشمل الوقائع والأحداث والتطورات التي مرت بالقضية الفلسطينية، منذ عودته إلى الوطن العربي، هربامن السجن في باريس، متوجها إلى القاهرة عام ١٩٤٦. - الفصل الثالث: يحتوي على وقائع كفاح الشعب الفلسطيني وجهاده منذ عودة المفتي إلى مصر، وحتى حدوث نكبة عام ١٩٤٨. انتهت المذكرات بآخر معركة في مدينة صفد وسقوطها بأيدي الأعداء بتاريخ ٠١٩٤٨/٥/١٠. باشر المفتي نشر مذكراته في مجلة (فلسطين) وهي نشرة دورية تشرف عليها الهيئة العربية العليا لفلسطين والناطقة الرسمية باسمها. وذلك على حلقات شهرية، صدرت الحلقة الأولى منها بتاريخ الأول من أيار ١٩٦٧ الموافق المحرم ١٣٨٧ العدد ٧٤. واستهل مذكراته بحادث هجرته الاضطرارية من فلسطين بقوله: لم تكن الهجرة من فلسطين من خطتي، ولاخطرت ببالي مغادرة بيت المقدس وغيرها من مدن الوطن وربوعه، وإن كانت الأقطار العربية كلها وطنا للعرب، لاعتقادي أن مكافحة الأعداء في داخل البلاد أولى وأجدى، وأنه لا يجوز لمجاهد أن يهجر وطنه أو يتزحزح عن ميدان كفاحه إلا مضطراً مرغماً لأمر هو في صالح القضية التي يجاهد في سبيلها. ومجموع الحلقات التي تم نشرها هو ٧٥ حلقة انتهت في العدد ١٧٢ - ١٧١ تاريخ شهري حزيران وتموز ١٩٧٥ (عددان في عدد واحد). وكان رحمه الله يدون مذكراته ويحضرها للنشر بخط يده، ويدفعها إلى الطباعة على الآلة الكاتبة، ثم يعود لتدقيقها ثانية ويؤشر عليها بتوقيعه قبل أن ترسل للنشر، وكان من عادته ان ينقل إلى الورق ما سبق ودونه بامختصر في حينه من دفتر صغير حمله فى جيبه، ويدون فيه بدقه مواعيده والأحداث أو الأمور التي تتعلق بمهامه الوطنية. وكان يعد مذكراته بهذه الطريقة، آخذاً بعين الاعتبار تتابع الحلقات المنشورة في المجلة المذكورة، مع الأحتفاظ بجزيد من الحلقات الجاهزة والمعدة للنشر، للحالات التي يتعذر عليه دفعها إلى المطبعة. انتقل المغفور له الحاج محمد أمين الحسيني إلى جوار ربه في الرابع من تموز ١٩٧٤م، وكانت مجلة (فلسطين) قد أصدرت عددها رقم ١٦٠ في الأول من تموز | - Chapter Two: It includes the facts, events and developments that the Palestinian cause went through, since his return to the Arab homeland, escaping from prison in Paris, heading to Cairo in 1946. - Chapter Three: It contains the facts of the struggle and jihad of the Palestinian people since the Mufti's return to Egypt, until the Nakba of 1948. The memoirs ended with the last battle in the city of Safad and its fall into the hands of the enemy on 05/10/1948. The Mufti began publishing his memoirs in the magazine (Palestine), a periodical supervised by the Arab Higher Committee for Palestine and its official spokesperson. This was done in monthly installments, the first of which was issued on May 1, 1967, corresponding to Muharram 1387, issue 74. He began his memoirs with the incident of his forced migration from Palestine, saying: Migration from Palestine was not part of my plan, and it never occurred to me to leave Jerusalem or any other cities and regions of the homeland, even though all Arab countries are homelands for Arabs, because I believe that fighting enemies inside the country is more important and more effective, and that it is not permissible for a Mujahid to abandon his homeland or move away from the field of his struggle except under duress and compulsion for a matter that is in the interest of the cause for which he is struggling. The total number of episodes that were published is 75 episodes, ending in Issues 171-172, dated June and July 1975 (two issues in one). May God have mercy on him, he would write his memoirs and prepare them for publication in his own handwriting, and send them to be typed on the typewriter, then he would go back to review them again and sign them with his signature before sending them for publication. It was his habit to transfer to paper what he had previously written down briefly at the time from a small notebook that he carried in his pocket, and he would accurately record in it his appointments and the events or matters related to With his national duties. He prepared his memoirs in this way, taking into consideration the sequence of episodes published in the aforementioned magazine, while keeping more episodes ready and prepared for publication, for cases where he was unable to send them to the press. The late Hajj Muhammad Amin al-Husseini passed away on July 4, 1974, and the magazine (Palestine) had issued its 160th issue on July 1 |
7 | 1974 م الموافق جمادى الأخيرة 1394 هـ، مضمنًا الحلقة 65 من مذكراته وتابعت الهيئة العربية العليا لفلسطين نشر ما تركه سماحة المغفور له الحاج أمين الحسيني من حلقات مؤرخة بتوقيعه، وعددها عشر حلقات انتهت في العدد 171 - 172 كما أشرت سابقًا. ونرى أن الحلقة الأخيرة من المذكرات ورقمها 75 احتوت آخر ما دونه عن نفسه عن معركة مدينة صفد، وسقوط المدينة كان صباح اليوم الثاني من رجب 1367 الموافق العاشر من شهر أيار 1948م، وانتهت بذلك وثائق الرجل الموثقة، ويعني آخر دون المغني بخطه ما يخطئ الفترة الواقعة ما بين يوم مغادرته بيت المقدس في 12 أكتوبر 1937م، وحتى معركة مدينة صفد وسقوطها بيد الأعداء في العاشر من أيار 1948م، وقبل الإعلان عن إقامة كيان العدو (إسرائيل) في الخامس عشر من أيار 1948م. هذا لا يعني بأن سماحة المفتي قيد بتسلسل تاريخي يمتد من عام 1937 وانتهى في عام 1948م، وهو يسرد مذكراته، فقد استعرض وشرح ما تماشى مع مسيرة الأحداث التي عاصرها، أو ذات الصلة بقضيته الوطنية. فالمذكرات من أولها حتى آخرها هي مسيرة نضال وكفاح الشعب الفلسطيني. وحرصت أشد الحرص على نقل كل ما جاء عن حياته وسيرته الذاتية ومذكراته بكل دقة وأمانة دون أي تدخل أو زيادة أو نقصان، ماعدا بعض الحواشي التوضيحية والتي اقتضتها ضرورة النشر ومرور الزمن. وحرصًا على هذا التراث المشرف والقيم، وعلى المسيرة الكفاحية لشعب فلسطين، وحركته الوطنية، بقيادة المغفور له الحاج أمين الحسيني من الاندثار مع مرور الزمن، ولإتاحة السبيل أمام من قاوم الاطلاع عليها، عمدت إلى جمعها وإصدارها في هذا الكتاب. ولا أزعم بأنني جمعت كل ما يتعلق بالرجل العظيم، فقد جمعت بالإضافة إلى مذكراته أكبر قدر من الوثائق المتعلقة بالحركة الوطنية الفلسطينية برئاسة المفتي وقيادته المباشرة لها وجمعها بين جهاد الرجل وكفاحه لفلسطين، وعرقًا وإسلاميًا وسيجد بريقها في النشر المستقل بإذن الله. ويبقى أملنا جمع تراث المفتي هو جمع وحفظ لتراث فلسطين والأمة العربية والإسلامية، وينبني أن تقوم به جماعة من الباحثين والمؤرخين المخلصين، تتوافر | 1974 AD corresponding to Jumada al-Akhira 1394 AH, including episode 65 of his memoirs. The Arab Higher Committee for Palestine continued to publish what His Eminence the late Hajj Amin al-Husseini left behind of episodes dated with his signature, and their number is ten episodes that ended in issue 171 - 172 as I mentioned previously. We see that the last episode of the memoirs, numbered 75, contained the last thing he wrote about himself about the battle of the city of Safad, and the fall of the city was on the morning of the second day of Rajab 1367 corresponding to the tenth of May 1948 AD, and thus the man's documented documents ended, and the last thing the singer wrote in his handwriting means what he misspelled was the period between the day he left Jerusalem on October 12, 1937 AD, and until the battle of the city of Safad and its fall into the hands of the enemies on the tenth of May 1948 AD, and before the announcement of the establishment of the enemy entity (Israel) on the fifteenth of May 1948 AD. This does not mean that His Eminence the Mufti was bound by a historical sequence extending from 1937 to 1948, while narrating his memoirs. He reviewed and explained what was consistent with the course of events that he witnessed, or that were related to his national cause. The memoirs from beginning to end are the course of the struggle and fight of the Palestinian people. I was extremely careful to convey everything that came about his life, biography and memoirs with complete accuracy and honesty without any interference, addition or subtraction, except for some explanatory notes that were necessitated by the necessity of publication and the passage of time. In order to preserve this honorable and valuable heritage, and the struggle of the Palestinian people and their national movement, led by the late Hajj Amin al-Husseini, from disappearing with the passage of time, and to make it possible for those who resisted to read them, I collected them and published them in this book. I do not claim that I have collected everything related to the great man, as I have collected, in addition to his memoirs, the largest amount of documents related to the Palestinian national movement headed by the Mufti and his direct leadership of it, and combining the man’s jihad and struggle for Palestine, ethnically and Islamically, and it will find its luster in independent publication, God willing. Our hope remains that collecting the Mufti’s heritage is to collect and preserve the heritage of Palestine and the Arab and Islamic nation, and it is based on a group of dedicated researchers and historians, who are available |
9 | في هذا الظرف العصيب، وفي أيام الردة عن الخط الوطني السليم والحق المبين، لشعبنا وأمتنا العربية، وفي زمن قل فيه الوفاء لأحرار الأمة، زمن التعريظ وترف الكلام، والتخاذل، والاستسلام للأعداء، وفي زمن التنازل عن الحقوق والسيادة على الأرض أقدم مفتي فلسطين الأكبر، قائد الأجيال المتعاقبة على الجهاد، والمطلعة إلى الحرية والاستقلال، والخير، والعدل، وملهمة التاريخ للطاقة والوقرين والمستسلمين. وأخيرًا، إنني أقدم للقارئ الكريم هذا الكتاب الذي جمعته من أوراق مبعثرة كانت تئنّ، ومضى عليها عشرات السنين وبذلت الجهد في الحفاظ عليها، وزيادة في الحرص عليها عزمت على نشرها لتبقى شعلة النضال مضيئة بإذن الله. ولا يسعني إلا أن أسجل عرفاني واعتزازي بجهود جميع الأخوة الذين يشجعوني على القيام بهذا العمل، أو أسهموا بإخراجه، وعلى رأسهم الأخ الصديق المناضل الدكتور طلال ناجي، والذين ساهموا بجهودهم المشكورة في الإعداد الشاق والطويل لهذا الكتاب، وأخص منهم الصديق الباحث حميد مجيد الربيعي والمهندس فؤاد يوسف. والله من وراء القصد عبد الكريم العمر | In these difficult circumstances, and in the days of apostasy from the sound national line and the clear truth, for our people and our Arab nation, and in a time when loyalty to the free men of the nation has diminished, a time of exposure and luxury of speech, cowardice, and surrender to enemies, and a time of relinquishing rights and sovereignty over the land, the Grand Mufti of Palestine, the leader of successive generations of jihad, and those who are aware of freedom and independence, goodness, and justice, and the inspiration of history for energy, dignity, and surrender, presents himself. Finally, I present to the honorable reader this book that I have collected from scattered papers that were groaning, and that have been around for decades, and I have made an effort to preserve them, and out of my keenness on them, I have resolved to publish them so that the flame of struggle will remain lit, God willing. I cannot but record my gratitude and appreciation for the efforts of all the brothers who encouraged me to do this work, or contributed to its production, headed by my brother, friend, and fighter Dr. Talal Naji, and those who contributed with their commendable efforts in the long and arduous preparation of this book, especially my friend, researcher Hamid Majeed Al-Rubaie and engineer Fouad Yousef. And God is behind the intention Abdul Karim Al-Omar |
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11 | عهد وميثاق لقد قضيت عمري كله في خدمة قضية هذه البلاد المقدسة، وكنت خلالها عرضة لمختلف وسائل الإغراء والترغيب حيناً، والتهديد والإرهاب أحياناً، وفي سبيل خيرها وصالح شعبها العربي تحملت مضطراً عناء السير في الدروب الشاقة الوعرة، كما تحملت شقاء الحياة في أشد الظروف خطراً ورهبة، وحملت وإخواني المجاهدين أمانة هذه القضية بكل ما انطوت عليه ضمائرنا من صدق وإخلاص وروح فداء، وليس من خلقي ولا في إمكاني أن أفرط في هذه الأمانة وأسلمها للذين يريدون أن يضيعوها ويبيعوها رخيصة للأعداء، ولا أن أنكر لتلك الصفوة المختارة من الشهداء الأبرار الذين جادوا بأرواحهم الطاهرة ورأوا دماءهم الزكية على أرض فلسطين المقدسة. ولن أختم حياتي بخيانة هذه الأمة في قضيتها الوطنية رغم كل ما أتوّقعه، وما لست بوادره من مؤامرات ومكائد يحيكها الأعداء والعملاء، لي ولإخواني الصابرين المخلصين، والله خير الشاهدين، وهو حسبنا ونعم الوكيل. محمد أمين الحسيني | A Covenant and a Pact I have spent my entire life serving the cause of this sacred land, and throughout this time I have been subjected to various means of temptation and enticement at times, and to threats and intimidation at other times. For the sake of its good and the good of its Arab people, I have been forced to endure the arduous and rugged paths, just as I have endured the hardships of life under the most dangerous and terrifying circumstances. My fellow mujahideen and I have shouldered the responsibility of this cause with all the sincerity, devotion, and spirit of sacrifice that our consciences contain. It is not in my nature, nor is it within my capacity, to squander this trust and hand it over to those who would squander it and sell it cheaply to the enemy. Nor do I deny the honor of that chosen elite of righteous martyrs who sacrificed their pure souls and shed their precious blood on the sacred land of Palestine. I will not end my life betraying this nation in its national cause, despite all that I expect and the conspiracies and plots hatched by enemies and agents against me and my steadfast and loyal brothers. God is the best witness, and He is sufficient for us, and He is the best Disposer of affairs. Mohammad Amin al-Husayni |
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13 | الفصل الأول | Chapter One |
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15 | القسم الأول نشأته: (*) نشرت في مجلة فلسطين، العدد رقم 161 تاريخ آب 1974. | Section One His Upbringing: (*) Published in Filastin magazine, issue No. 161, August 1974. |
16 | الكفاح في سبيل فلسطين: ولما احتل الفرنسيون سورية بالقوات المسلحة وقضوا على استقلالها، انطلق سماحته إلى صحراء سورية، وعاش فيها مدة عمل خلالها على الاتصال بزعماء القبائل العربية فيها، إلى أن ألغى الحكم الصادر عليه، فعاد إلى فلسطين، وتولى منصب الإفتاء عام 1921 خلفاً لشقيقه المرحوم السيد محمد كامل الحسيني. في رئاسة المجلس الإسلامي: | The Struggle for Palestine: The First Jerusalem Revolt broke out in April 1920, led by His Eminence, at the head of a group of Jerusalemite youth and the Palestinian people, during the Nabi Musa festival celebrations. A British military court was formed to try those accused of instigating the revolt, and he was sentenced in absentia to ten years of hard labor. However, he managed to escape the grip of the colonists and contacted tribal leaders and clan leaders, such as the Ani Sakhr and Huwaitat tribes, the chiefs of the Atwa, Al-Faiz, Al-Ajazi, and others, to unify efforts to defend Palestine. He then moved to Syria at the beginning of its independence, where there was a wide scope for advocacy for the Palestinian cause. He participated, along with a number of Palestinian figures, in the Syrian-Palestinian Conference held in Damascus and declaring Syria's independence. When the French occupied Syria with their armed forces and destroyed its independence, His Eminence set out for the Syrian desert, where he lived for a period of time, working to establish contact with the leaders of the Arab tribes there. The sentence against him was overturned, and he returned to Palestine, assuming the position of Grand Mufti in 1921, succeeding his late brother, Sayyid Muhammad Kamil al-Husayni. As President of the Islamic Council: His Eminence was then elected in 1922 as President of the Supreme Islamic Sharia Council, to manage the affairs of Islamic endowments and Sharia courts. He reformed their administration and organized their affairs, working to protect the lands of Palestine from falling into the hands of greedy Zionists. He resisted colonial policy and Jewish greed with the utmost resistance. He fully shouldered the burden of the Palestinian national movement, working to convene Palestinian and Islamic conferences, form executive committees, and send political delegations to the outside world and Islamic delegations to Islamic countries. He traveled himself repeatedly, leading numerous delegations to Arab and Islamic countries, such as the Levant, Iraq, Syria, the Gulf states, Iran, India, and Afghanistan, to inform Arab and Islamic Muslims of the plan for Palestine and to urge them to save it from the Jewish threat and British colonialism. He also initiated the reconstruction of the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque, which was in danger of collapse. When the reconstruction was completed, a grand celebration was held, attended by delegations from the Arab and Islamic worlds. |
17 | في الوفد الفلسطيني إلى لندن: وفي عام 1930 اشترك سماحته في الوفد الفلسطيني إلى لندن، لمفاوضة الحكومة البريطانية بشأن قضية فلسطين وتحقيق مطالب الشعب الفلسطيني، ثم توجه إلى سويسرة واجتمع بالسير ريد ورؤساء وأعضاء اللجنة الانتخابية وعدد من كبار رجال السياسة فيها، وناقشهم في شأن القضية الفلسطينية. عقد مؤتمر العالم الإسلامي وجعل قضية فلسطين قضية عالمية: وقد عمل سماحته جاهداً لإخراج قضية فلسطين من الحيز المحلي الضيق، الذي كانت السياسة البريطانية اليهودية تعمل لحصرها فيه، إلى نطاق العالم العربي والإسلامي الواسع، ونجح في ذلك إلى حد كبير، إذ لم تعد قضية فلسطين قضية محلية، بل أصبحت قضية العالمين العربي والإسلامي بأسرهما، وفي سبيل ذلك دعا سماحته إلى عقد المؤتمر الإسلامي العام في بيت المقدس عام 1931، الذي حضره مندوبون من كافة الأقطار الإسلامية، للنظر فيما يهدد فلسطين، من مطامع اليهود الدينية في المسجد الأقصى المبارك، ومطامعهم السياسية الرامية إلى تحويل فلسطين إلى دولة يهودية. وكان هذا المؤتمر أول مؤتمر من نوعه يجمع عدداً كبيراً من رجالات العالم الإسلامي من مختلف الأقطار، من فلسطين وسورية، ولبنان، والعراق، والسعودية، واليمن، ومصر، وليبيا، وتونس، والجزائر، والمغرب، ومسلمي أوروبا من بلاد البلقان: كالبشناق والشركس وغيرهم، ومسلمي روسيا، وتركستان، ومسلمي الهند، واندونيسيا وفرنسا والصين وبعض الأقطار الإفريقية الإسلامية. ولما نشبت ثورة فلسطين عام 1936 أبت لجنة التحقيق البريطانية برئاسة السير وولتر بيل أن يسمعوا شهادة سماحته بحجة أنه مفروض عليه حقوق ليست له، في مكان المراق الشرقى، وكان اليهود حققوا فعلاً طالبوا بمحاكمته، واعتبروه مسؤولاً عن الثورات المتعاقبة التي كان الفلسطينيون يقومون بها ضدهم. في وفد الصلح بين السعودية واليمن: وفي عام 1934 الذي نشبت فيه الحرب بين المملكة العربية السعودية، والمملكة المتوكلية اليمنية، بادر سماحته، بصفته رئيس مؤتمر العالم الإسلامي، بتأليف وفد من السادة العلماء من شتى أرجاء الجمهورية السورية الإسلامية، برئاسته، فشارك فيه الشيخ محمد علي علوبة باشا، الوزير المصري والأمين العام السابق لجمعية الشبان الأحرار. | In the Palestinian delegation to London: In 1930, His Eminence participated in the Palestinian delegation to London to negotiate with the British government regarding the Palestine issue and to achieve the demands of the Palestinian people. He then traveled to Switzerland and met with Sir Reid, the heads and members of the Electoral Commission, and a number of senior politicians there, discussing the Palestinian issue with them. Holding the World Islamic Conference and Making the Palestinian Issue a Global Issue: His Eminence worked diligently to bring the Palestinian issue out of the narrow local sphere, to which British Jewish policy had sought to confine it, and into the broader Arab and Islamic world. He was largely successful in doing so, as the Palestinian issue was no longer a local issue, but rather became the issue of the entire Arab and Islamic world. To this end, His Eminence called for the convening of the General Islamic Conference in Jerusalem in 1931, which was attended by delegates from all Islamic countries, to consider the threats to Palestine, including the religious ambitions of the Jews regarding the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque and their political ambitions aimed at transforming Palestine into a Jewish state. This conference was the first of its kind, bringing together a large number of prominent figures from the Islamic world from various countries, including Palestine, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, and European Muslims from the Balkans, such as Bosniaks, Circassians, and others, as well as Muslims from Russia, Turkestan, India, Indonesia, France, China, and some African Islamic countries. When the Palestinian Revolution broke out in 1936, the British Commission of Inquiry, headed by Sir Walter Peel, refused to hear his testimony, claiming that he was being forced to enjoy rights he did not have, in the place of the Eastern Maraq. The Jews had already investigated and demanded his trial, holding him responsible for the successive revolts waged by the Palestinians against them. In the peace delegation between Saudi Arabia and Yemen: In 1934, when war broke out between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Mutawakkilite Kingdom of Yemen, His Eminence, in his capacity as President of the World Islamic Conference, took the initiative to form a delegation of distinguished scholars from across the Islamic Republic of Syria, headed by him. Sheikh Muhammad Ali Allouba Pasha, the Egyptian minister and former Secretary-General of the Free Youth Association, also participated. |
18 | في رئاسة اللجنة العربية العليا لفلسطين: ولما حدثت ثورة فلسطين الكبرى عام 1936 انتخبت سماحته، بإجماع أحزاب فلسطين، لرئاسة اللجنة العربية العليا، التي أدارت دفة الثورة في البلاد في أشد الأوقات خطورة، واضطلعت بالعبء كاملاً، واستمرت الثورة ستة أشهر كاملة، وانتهت بتدخل ملوك العرب وأمرائهم، كما هو معروف، بنداء وجهوه إلى سماحته، واعدين فيه بأن تعمل بريطانيا على إنصاف العرب. قرار تقسيم فلسطين ونجاة سماحته من قبضة الإنكليز: ولكن حدث عقب ذلك أن وضعت اللجنة البريطانية، برئاسة اللورد بيل، تقريرها بتقسيم فلسطين بين العرب واليهود، فتجددت الثورة عام 1937، وحاولت السلطات البريطانية القبض على سماحته بقوة كبيرة من رجال الجيش والبوليس البريطاني، طوقت دار اللجنة العربية العليا بالقدس، ولكنها فشلت في القبض عليه، وقبض الله له النجاة والاعتصام بإدارة داخل أسوار الحرم القدسي الشريف مدة أربعة أشهر، وخلال ذلك اضطرت السلطات البريطانية القبض على بعض أعضاء اللجنة العربية العليا، ونفتهم إلى جزر سيشيل، لكن سماحته تمكن من النجاة مرة أخرى، إذ خرج خفية من فلسطين في زورق بحري صغير، والتجأ إلى لبنان. في الحرب العالمية الثانية: ولما نشبت الحرب العالمية الثانية عام 1939، وضغطت بريطانيا على فرنسا لتسليمها سماحته، شعر بذلك، غادر لبنان سراً إلى بغداد، وأقام بها نحو عام ونصف (على رأس عدد من كبار المجاهدين الفلسطينيين الذين التجأوا إلى العراق)، داعياً على العمل في سبيل قضية فلسطين، والقضايا العربية والإسلامية، إلى أن نشبت ثورة العراق عام 1941 ضد التدخل العسكري البريطاني. | As Chairman of the Arab Higher Committee for Palestine: When the Great Palestine Revolt of 1936 erupted, His Eminence was unanimously elected by the Palestinian political parties to chair the Arab Higher Committee, which steered the revolution in the country during its most critical times and shouldered the full burden. The revolution lasted for six full months and ended with the intervention of the Arab kings and princes, as is well known, through an appeal addressed to His Eminence, promising that Britain would work to achieve justice for the Arabs. The Partition of Palestine and His Eminence's Escape from British Grip: However, the British Commission, headed by Lord Peel, subsequently issued its report partitioning Palestine between Arabs and Jews. The revolt erupted again in 1937, and the British authorities attempted to arrest His Eminence with a large force of British military and police personnel. They surrounded the headquarters of the Arab Higher Committee in Jerusalem, but they failed to capture him. God granted him safety and allowed him to remain within the walls of the Noble Sanctuary for four months. During this time, the British authorities were forced to arrest some members of the Arab Higher Committee and exile them to the Seychelles Islands. However, His Eminence managed to escape once again, secretly leaving Palestine in a small boat and taking refuge in Lebanon. During World War II: When World War II broke out in 1939, and Britain pressured France to hand over His Eminence, he felt this pressure and secretly left Lebanon for Baghdad, where he stayed for about a year and a half (at the head of a number of prominent Palestinian mujahideen who had taken refuge in Iraq). He called for action on behalf of the Palestinian cause and Arab and Islamic causes, until the Iraqi revolution broke out in 1941 against British military intervention. |
19 | في إيران وأوروبا: ولما أوشك الإنكليز أن يحتلوا العراق، اضطر سماحته للخروج إلى إيران، مع قادة الثورة العراقية وعدد من مجاهدي فلسطين وسورية والعراق. ولما احتلت القوات البريطانية والروسية إيران تقيته السلطات البريطانية، وأعلن الماريشال نقل جائزة مقدارها ألف جنيه استرليني لمن يرشد إليه، لكن الله تعالى سهل لسماحته سبل النجاة، فمكن من السفر متخفياً إلى أوروبا بعد أن رفضت تركيا قبوله لاجئاً سياسياً، ممالأةً منها للإنكليز في ذلك الحين. وأقام سماحته بأوروبا طيلة أيام الحرب، وتمكن من الحصول من دول المحور على اعتراف باستقلال فلسطين، والأقطار العربية الأخرى، إلى أن اعتقلته السلطات الفرنسية، إثر خروجه من ألمانيا بعد انهيارها. الصهيونيون يطالبون بمحاكمته: وكانت المنظمات الصهيونية الاستعمارية تسعى لتقديم سماحته إلى "محكمة نورمبرغ"، وإنه حرض السلطات النازية في ألمانيا خلال الحرب على إبادة اليهود. وكذلك حاولت الحكومة اليوغسلافية توجيه مثل هذه التهمة إلى سماحته، بحجة عمله على تأليف فرق عسكرية مسلحة من مسلمي البوسنة. والواقع أن النازيين لم يكونوا في حاجة إلى تحريض من أحد للانتقام من اليهود، الذين خانوا ألمانيا في الحرب العالمية الأولى، وتواطؤوا مع بريطانيا وحلفائها على القيام بأعمال التخريب وبث الدعايات الضارة ضد ألمانيا، في ذلك الحين. أما التهمة الأخرى نفسها أن سماحته ساعد مسلمي البوسنة على تشكيل فرقتين عسكريتين من أهل البوسنة للدفاع عن أنفسهم ضد هجمات العصابات الصربية، التي كانت بقيادة الجنرال ميخائيلوفيتش تفتك في مسلمي البوسنة دون مبرر، حتى قتلت عشرات الآلاف من رجالهم ونسائهم وأطفالهم قتلاً ذريعاً دون تمييز، بسبب التعصب الديني، وطمعاً في الاستيلاء على ممتلكاتهم، وتأكيدا لضم البوسنة إلى بلاد الصرب نهائياً. وقد فشلت مساعي الصهيونيين واليوغوسلافيين ضد سماحته، بسبب استنكار زعماء المسلمين والرأي العام العربي والإسلامي لهذه المساعي الآثمة. | In Iran and Europe: When the British were about to occupy Iraq, His Eminence was forced to flee to Iran, along with the leaders of the Iraqi revolution and a number of mujahideen from Palestine, Syria, and Iraq. When the British and Russian forces occupied Iran, the British authorities sought refuge with him, and the Field Marshal announced a reward of one thousand pounds sterling for anyone who could provide information about him. However, God Almighty facilitated His Eminence's escape, enabling him to travel in disguise to Europe after Turkey refused to accept him as a political refugee, out of favor with the British at the time. His Eminence resided in Europe throughout the war and succeeded in obtaining recognition of the independence of Palestine and other Arab countries from the Axis powers, until he was arrested by the French authorities after his departure from Germany following its collapse. Zionists Demand His Trial: Zionist colonial organizations sought to bring His Eminence before the Nuremberg Tribunal, claiming that he had incited the Nazi authorities in Germany during the war to exterminate the Jews. The Yugoslav government also attempted to level a similar accusation against His Eminence, claiming that he was working to form armed military units from Bosnian Muslims. In reality, the Nazis needed no incitement to take revenge on the Jews, who betrayed Germany in World War I and conspired with Britain and its allies to carry out sabotage and spread harmful propaganda against Germany at that time. The other accusation is that His Eminence helped Bosnian Muslims form two Bosnian military units to defend themselves against the attacks of Serb gangs, led by General Mihailovic, who were slaughtering Bosnian Muslims without justification, killing tens of thousands of their men, women, and children indiscriminately, driven by religious fanaticism, a desire to seize their property, and to ensure the final annexation of Bosnia to Serbia. The Zionist and Yugoslav efforts against His Eminence failed due to the condemnation of these heinous efforts by Muslim leaders and Arab and Islamic public opinion. |
20 | العودة إلى الوطن العربي ورئاسة الهيئة العربية العليا: وأخيراً تمكن سماحته من مغادرة فرنسا سراً إلى مصر صيف عام 1946، وكان هبوط سماحته إليها فجأة في أعقاب الحرب العالمية، مخترقاً كل وسائل المنع والرقابة، حدثاً مثيراً في العالمين العربي والإسلامي، وفي العالم الخارجي. وكانت اللجنة السياسية لجامعة الدول العربية قد اجتمعت في بلودان صيف عام 1946، وتم الاتفاق مع المنظمات السياسية الفلسطينية على تأليف "الهيئة العربية العليا لفلسطين" لقيادة الحركة الوطنية، وقد احتفظت اللجنة السياسية بسماحة المفتي برئاسة الهيئة العربية العليا، وسماحته ما يزال معتقلاً في فرنسا في ذلك الحين. وسارعت السلطات البريطانية تطالب باعتقال سماحته، وعدم السماح له بمباشرة العمل السياسي لكن السلطات المصرية، أكرمت وفادته، وأطلقت له حرية العمل، وسرعان ما التف حوله رجالات فلسطين، ورحب بكفاحه زعماء الأقطار العربية والإسلامية، وكانت دار سماحته ملتقى قادة الحركات الوطنية في العالمين العربي والإسلامي. استئناف الجهاد: وشرع سماحته، بعد أن تولى الرئاسة الفعلية للهيئة العربية العليا، ينظم صفوف الفلسطينيين، ويعمل على استئناف الجهاد لتحرير فلسطين، ولما نشبت حرب فلسطين بين العرب واليهود في أواخر عام 1947، إثر صدور قرار الأمم المتحدة بتقسيم فلسطين في 29 نوفمبر من تلك السنة، شرع سماحته يدير حركة الجهاد الفلسطيني، مواصلاً العمل ليلاً ونهاراً، وقام بتأليف "جيش الجهاد المقدس" بقيادة القائد الشهيد عبد القادر الحسيني، واتصل بعدد من الدول العربية لإمداد حركة الجهاد الفلسطيني ببعض الضباط والمقاتلين، وقد أبدى الفلسطينيون بسالة في جهادهم الذي استمر ستة شهور، كسب الفلسطينيون خلالها معظم المعارك التي دارت بينهم وبين اليهود، رغم قلة وسائل الكفاح التي كانت في أيدي المجاهدين الفلسطينيين، إذا قورنت بثروة ما لدى اليهود منها، من إمدادات الدول الاستعمارية التي كانت تساعدهم وتقدم لهم بكل وسائل الحرب، والقتال، والتدريب، والمقاتلين من الرجال العسكريين. | Return to the Arab Homeland and Presidency of the Arab Higher Committee: Finally, His Eminence was able to secretly leave France for Egypt in the summer of 1946. His sudden arrival there in the wake of the World War, breaking all restrictions and censorship, was a sensational event in the Arab and Islamic worlds, as well as the wider world. The Political Committee of the Arab League had met in Bloudan in the summer of 1946 and agreed with Palestinian political organizations to form the "Arab Higher Committee for Palestine" to lead the national movement. The Political Committee retained His Eminence the Mufti as the head of the Arab Higher Committee, although he remained imprisoned in France at the time. The British authorities quickly demanded His Eminence's arrest and barred him from engaging in political activity. However, the Egyptian authorities graciously welcomed him and granted him freedom of action. The leaders of Palestine quickly rallied around him, and the leaders of Arab and Islamic countries welcomed his struggle. His Eminence's residence became a meeting place for leaders of national movements in the Arab and Islamic worlds. Resuming Jihad: His Eminence, after assuming the effective presidency of the Arab Higher Committee, began organizing the Palestinian ranks and working to resume the jihad to liberate Palestine. When the Palestine War broke out between the Arabs and the Jews in late 1947, following the issuance of the United Nations resolution to partition Palestine on November 29 of that year, His Eminence began managing the Palestinian Jihad Movement, working day and night. He formed the "Sacred Jihad Army" under the leadership of the martyred commander Abd al-Qadir al-Husayni, and contacted several Arab countries to supply the Palestinian Jihad Movement with officers and fighters. The Palestinians displayed valor in their jihad, which lasted six months, during which they won most of the battles fought between them and the Jews. This was despite the limited means of struggle available to the Palestinian mujahideen, compared to the wealth of supplies the Jews possessed, including supplies from the colonial powers that aided them and provided them with all means of warfare, combat, training, and military personnel. |
21 | تدخل الدول العربية: ولما اشتركت الدول العربية في حرب فلسطين، ودخلت جيوشها أرض فلسطين فعلاً يوم 15 مايو سنة 1948، أسفر دخولها عن كارثة أليمة يتسمها ما كان بينها من خلاف في الرأي حول قضية فلسطين، وبسبب ما كانت تمارسه الدول الاستعمارية من ضغط على الحكومات العربية لمصلحة الصهيونيين، فوقعت كارثة فلسطين وتشرد مليون عربي فلسطيني، وقامت (إسرائيل) في صميم الوطن العربي كما هو معروف. وبعد الكارثة التي أصيبت بها قضية فلسطين، استمر سماحته يعمل جاداً في سبيل تخفيف هذه الكارثة، متصلاً بالدول الإسلامية والعربية للدفاع عن قضية فلسطين، وتهيئة الأسباب والوسائل لتحرير الوطن السليب. مؤتمر العالم الإسلامي في كراتشي: وفي عام 1951 دعي سماحته لرئاسة مؤتمر العالم الإسلامي الذي انعقد في كراتشي، وحضره ممثلون عن 45 دولة إسلامية، وشعب إسلامي، وفي عام 1952 رأس سماحته مؤتمر علماء المسلمين الديني الذي انعقد في كراتشي أيضاً، وحضره عدد كبير من علماء المسلمين، وفي عام 1955 شهد سماحته مؤتمر باندونغ على رأس وفد فلسطيني، وكان لمساهمته أثر بارز في حمل المؤتمر الآسيوي الإفريقي على بحث قضية فلسطين. في لبنان مرة أخرى: وفيما تلا ذلك من الأعوام استمر سماحته في نضاله، على رأس الهيئة العربية العليا لفلسطين، ومؤتمر العالم الإسلامي، عاملاً على إثارة قضية فلسطين في المحافل الدولية والأوساط الشعبية، وأرسل عدة وفود إلى الأمم المتحدة، وإلى الأقطار الآسيوية والإفريقية، وإلى مختلف دول أوروبا وأمريكا لخدمة قضية فلسطين. وفي مايو 1962 زار سماحته الهند، تلبية لدعوة عظيمة سلطان الهند السابق المرحوم طاهر سيف الدين، لافتتاح الجامعة الإسلامية في مدينة سورات، وفي هذه الرحلة استقبل سماحته عدداً كبيراً من الشخصيات الإسلامية المدعوين لحضور حفل افتتاح الجامعة المذكورة، ثم زار سماحته باكستان، وبحث مع زعمائها موضوع عقد مؤتمر العالم الإسلامي من أجل نصرة قضية فلسطين، ثم زار الديار الحجازية في موسم | The Arab States' Intervention: When the Arab states participated in the Palestine War, and their armies actually entered Palestine on May 15, 1948, their intervention resulted in a painful catastrophe characterized by the differences of opinion among them regarding the Palestine issue, and by the pressure exerted by the colonial powers on Arab governments in favor of the Zionists. The Palestine catastrophe occurred, with one million Palestinian Arabs displaced, and Israel, as is well known, was established in the heart of the Arab homeland. After the catastrophe that befell the Palestine issue, His Eminence continued to work diligently to mitigate this disaster, communicating with Islamic and Arab countries to defend the Palestinian cause and prepare the means and conditions for the liberation of the usurped homeland. World Islamic Conference in Karachi: In 1951, His Eminence was invited to chair the World Islamic Conference, which was held in Karachi and attended by representatives from 45 Islamic countries and peoples. In 1952, His Eminence chaired the Conference of Muslim Religious Scholars, also held in Karachi, and attended by a large number of Muslim scholars. In 1955, His Eminence attended the Bandung Conference at the head of a Palestinian delegation, and his contribution had a significant impact in galvanizing the Asian-African Conference to address the issue of Palestine. In Lebanon again: In the following years, His Eminence continued his struggle, heading the Arab Higher Committee for Palestine and the World Islamic Conference, working to raise the issue of Palestine in international forums and among the public. He sent several delegations to the United Nations, Asian and African countries, and various European and American countries to serve the cause of Palestine. In May 1962, His Eminence visited India, in response to a great invitation from the late Sultan of India, Tahir Saifuddin, to open the Islamic University in the city of Surat. During this trip, His Eminence received a large number of Islamic figures invited to attend the opening ceremony of the aforementioned university. Then, His Eminence visited Pakistan and discussed with its leaders the issue of holding a conference of the Islamic World in order to support the Palestinian cause. Then, he visited the Hijaz during the Hajj season. |
22 | في شمال أفريقيا والأقطار الإسلامية: وفي نوفمبر 1961 زار سماحته المغرب، على رأس وفد فلسطيني، بناء على دعوة رسمية تلقاها من جلالة ملك المغرب السابق محمد الخامس رحمه الله، وفي نفس السنة زار تونس وليبيا داعياً لنصرة قضية فلسطين. وفي مايو – يونيو 1962 رأس سماحته مؤتمر العالم الإسلامي الذي انعقدت دورته الخامسة ببغداد، بحضور مندوبين عن 37 قطراً إسلامياً، وأعيد انتخابه رئيساً لهذا المؤتمر. وكذلك اشترك سماحته في مؤتمر الرابطة الإسلامية الذي انعقد في مكة المكرمة في موسم الحج سنة 1382 هجرية – 1962 ميلادية، بصفته أحد مؤسسي الرابطة الإسلامية المذكورة. وفي نوفمبر 1962 زار سماحته الجزائر، على رأس وفد فلسطيني، تلبية لدعوة حكومتها في عهدها الاستقلالي احتفالاً بمرور ثماني سنوات على إعلان الثورة الجزائرية. وخلال عام 1963 زار سماحته المملكة العربية السعودية وسورية، وفي فبراير عام 1964 (خلال شهر رمضان) قام سماحته برحلة إلى ماليزيا تلبية لدعوة المؤتمر الإقليمي لمسلمي ماليزيا. وفي عام 1964 – 1965 رأس سماحته مؤتمر العالم الإسلامي الذي عقد دورته السادسة في (موغاديشيو) عاصمة الصومال من 27/12/1964 إلى 2/1/1965. وفي 21 ذي الحجة 1384 هـ (21 نيسان 1965م) رأس اجتماع المجلس التنفيذي لمؤتمر العالم الإسلامي الذي انعقد في مكة المكرمة. وفي عام 1965 استمر سماحته في عمله المبارك في سبيل قضية فلسطين، وتثبيت الرأي العام العربي والإسلامي إلى المؤامرة الصهيونية الاستعمارية لتصفية القضية. وفي مستهل شهر آذار عام 1967 عاد سماحته إلى الوطن الفلسطيني، بعد هجرة استمرت ثلاثين عاماً أو بضعة أشهر، قضاها مجاهداً في سبيل قضية فلسطين، واستقبل بالحفاوة البالغة. | In North Africa and Islamic Countries: In November 1961, His Eminence visited Morocco, leading a Palestinian delegation, at the official invitation of His Majesty the late King Mohammed V of Morocco. In the same year, he visited Tunisia and Libya, calling for support for the Palestinian cause. In May-June 1962, His Eminence chaired the fifth session of the World Islamic Conference in Baghdad, attended by delegates from 37 Islamic countries. He was re-elected as president of the conference. His Eminence also participated in the Islamic League Conference held in Mecca during the Hajj season of 1382 AH (1962 AD), as one of the founders of the aforementioned Islamic League. In November 1962, His Eminence visited Algeria, leading a Palestinian delegation, at the invitation of its government during its independence, to celebrate the eighth anniversary of the Algerian Revolution. During 1963, His Eminence visited Saudi Arabia and Syria. In February 1964 (during the month of Ramadan), His Eminence traveled to Malaysia at the invitation of the Regional Conference of Malaysian Muslims. In 1964-1965, His Eminence chaired the sixth session of the World Islamic Conference, held in Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia, from December 27, 1964 to January 2, 1965. On Dhu al-Hijjah 21, 1384 AH (April 21, 1965 CE), he chaired the Executive Council meeting of the World Islamic Conference, held in Mecca. In 1965, His Eminence continued his blessed work on behalf of the Palestinian cause, mobilizing Arab and Islamic public opinion against the Zionist colonial conspiracy to liquidate the cause. At the beginning of March 1967, His Eminence returned to his homeland in Palestine, after an emigration that lasted for thirty years or a few months, during which he spent his time fighting for the cause of Palestine, and he was received with great enthusiasm. |
23 | وفي 12 محرم سنة 1387 هـ (22 نيسان 1967م) رأس سماحته اجتماع المجلس التنفيذي لمؤتمر العالم الإسلامي الذي انعقد في كراتشي. وفي 13 جمادى الآخرة 1387 هـ (16 أيلول 1967م) رأس سماحته الدورة الطارئة لمؤتمر العالم الإسلامي التي انعقدت في عمان خاصة بالقضية الفلسطينية، بسبب الكارثة الجديدة التي حلت بالعالمين العربي والإسلامي، باحتلال القوات الإسرائيلية المغتصبة لبقية فلسطين بيت المقدس. وفي السنوات التاليات اشترك سماحته في اجتماعات المجلس العام لرابطة العالم الإسلامي في مكة المكرمة، مستمراً في عمله في رئاسة مؤتمر العالم الإسلامي والهيئة العربية العليا لفلسطين، ساعياً جهده لما فيه جمع كلمة المسلمين والعرب، وتوثيق الروابط بينهم، ولا سيما للدفاع عن قضية فلسطين في المحافل الدولية، والإسلامية والعربية، إلى أن اختاره الله إلى جواره بعد ظهر الخميس 14 جمادى الآخرة 1394 الموافق 4/7/1974، فثارت لوفاته جماهير الشعب الفلسطيني والعالمين العربي والإسلامي التي تقدر جهاد الفقيد الكبير، وإخلاصه وصلاحه وثباته، كما تقدر فدائه وإنجازاته الضخمة في سبيل توعية العرب والمسلمين بأخطار الاستعمار والصهيونية، وإصراره على التصدي للكيان الصهيوني الدخيل واقتلاع جذوره من فلسطين واستنقاذ المدينة المقدسة ومسجدها الأقصى المبارك من براثن اليهود المجرمين. | On Muharram 12, 1387 AH (April 22, 1967 CE), His Eminence chaired the Executive Council meeting of the World Islamic Conference, held in Karachi. On Jumada al-Akhira 13, 1387 AH (September 16, 1967 CE), His Eminence chaired the emergency session of the World Islamic Conference, held in Amman, specifically on the Palestinian issue, due to the new catastrophe that had befallen the Arab and Islamic worlds with the occupation of the rest of Palestine and Jerusalem by the occupying Israeli forces. In the following years, His Eminence participated in the meetings of the General Council of the Muslim World League in Makkah Al-Mukarramah, continuing his work as President of the Islamic World Conference and the Arab Higher Committee for Palestine, striving to unite Muslims and Arabs and strengthen ties between them, especially to defend the Palestinian cause in international, Islamic and Arab forums, until God chose him to be with Him on the afternoon of Thursday, 14 Jumada Al-Akhira 1394, corresponding to 4/7/1974. His death raised the masses of the Palestinian people and the Arab and Islamic worlds, who appreciated the great struggle of the deceased, his sincerity, righteousness and steadfastness, as well as his sacrifice and tremendous achievements in educating Arabs and Muslims about the dangers of colonialism and Zionism, and his insistence on confronting the intrusive Zionist entity, uprooting it from Palestine and rescuing the Holy City and its blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque from the clutches of the criminal Jews. |
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25 | القسم الثاني صفحات من مذكرات السيد محمد أمين الحسيني قدمنا في القسم الأول نبذة مختصرة عن حياة وتاريخ سماحة المفتي الأكبر لفلسطين الحاج محمد أمين الحسيني، رئيس الهيئة العربية العليا لفلسطين ورئيس المجلس الإسلامي الأعلى ورئيس مؤتمر العالم الإسلامي. وفيما يلي وقائع مذكراته التي خطها بيده الكريمة، وهي صفحات مضيئة من تاريخ جهاده وكفاح شعبنا العربي الفلسطيني في أحلك فترة مرت بها البلاد العربية والإسلامية. ننشرها ليحيط بها النشء الفلسطيني والعربي وسائر المسلمين، عن لم يتوافر له الاطلاع على النواحي الدقيقة من تاريخ القضية الفلسطينية، خاصة وقد يجري اليوم عملاً سياسياً على تزييف وقائع نضال الشعب الفلسطيني ومواقفه الحقيقية من قيام الكيان الصهيوني، والروايا المفبركة للاستعمار البريطاني والأمريكي في إقامة هذا الكيان في القلب من الوطن العربي. فتأتي مذكرات المفتي الأكبر لفلسطين ورئيس المجلس الإسلامي الأعلى الحاج محمد أمين الحسيني لتبسط الكلام عن كل حلقات التآمر التي واجهتها القضية الوطنية للشعب العربي الفلسطيني منذ 1920 حتى 1949 سنة النكبة، وتشمل المذكرات على سرد وتحليل علمي عميق ورصد دقيق للأحداث والأدوار التي مرت بها القضية، وأهم الوقائع التي حفلت بها حياة سماحته، والتي كانت مكرسة لإنقاذ فلسطين وخدمة قضايا الأمة العربية والإسلامية. وإلى جانب المذكرات تورد في وقت لاحق وقائع المؤتمرات واللقاءات الصحفية وبعض مراسلاته التي استطعنا الحفاظ عليها. الهجرة من فلسطين: لم تكن الهجرة من فلسطين من خطئي، ولا خطرت ببالي مغادرة بيت المقدس وغيره من مدن الوطن ودياره، وأن كانت الأقطار العربية كلها وطناً للعرب – لا اعتقادي أن مكافحة الأعداء في داخل البلاد أولى وأجدى، وأنه لا يجوز لمجاهد أن يهجر وطنه، أو أن يتزحزح عن ميدان كفاحه، إلا اضطراراً مرغماً لأمر هو في صالح القضية التي يجاهد في سبيلها. وقد حدث قبيل العدوان الذي حدث بسبب قضية | Section Two Pages from the Memoirs of Sayyid Muhammad Amin al-Husayni In the first section, we presented a brief overview of the life and history of His Eminence the Grand Mufti of Palestine, Hajj Muhammad Amin al-Husayni, President of the Arab Higher Committee for Palestine, President of the Supreme Islamic Council, and President of the World Islamic Conference. The following are the details of his memoirs, handwritten by his own generous hand. These are illuminating pages from the history of his struggle and the struggle of our Arab Palestinian people during the darkest period experienced by the Arab and Islamic world. We publish them for the benefit of Palestinian and Arab youth, as well as all Muslims, who are not familiar with the intricate aspects of the history of the Palestinian cause. This is especially true given the current political effort to distort the facts of the Palestinian people's struggle and their true positions on the establishment of the Zionist entity, and the fabricated narrative of British and American colonialism regarding the establishment of this entity in the heart of the Arab homeland. The memoirs of the Grand Mufti of Palestine and President of the Supreme Islamic Council, Hajj Muhammad Amin al-Husseini, simplify the discussion of all the conspiracies that confronted the national cause of the Palestinian Arab people from 1920 until 1949, the year of the Nakba. The memoirs include a profound scientific account and analysis, as well as a meticulous record of the events and roles that the cause underwent, highlighting the most important events that filled his life, which were dedicated to saving Palestine and serving the causes of the Arab and Islamic nation. In addition to the memoirs, the proceedings of conferences, press interviews, and some of his correspondence, which we were able to preserve, are later included. Emigration from Palestine: Emigration from Palestine was not my fault, nor did it ever occur to me to leave Jerusalem or other cities and lands of the homeland, even though all Arab countries are homelands for the Arabs. I do not believe that fighting enemies within the country is more important and more effective, and that it is not permissible for a mujahid to abandon his homeland or deviate from the field of his struggle, except out of compulsion for a reason that serves the cause for which he is fighting. This happened prior to the aggression that occurred due to the Palestinian cause |
26 | (البراق)(٥) مزمعاً السفر إلى أوروبا، وقد أعددت العدة لتلك السفرة حتى إني حصلت على سمات السفر (التأشيرات) من جميع الدول التي كنت سأزورها أو أمرّ بها. فلما ظهرت بوادر الشر الذي كان بيته اليهود حِلتُ، شعرت بخطورة الموقف وضرورة بقائي في الوطن، فعدلت عن السفر، وواجهت الخطر حتى انجَلت المعركة عن نصرٍ مبين للعرب، وخذلان مهين لليهود. ولما قامت لجنة برلمانية بريطانية برئاسة السير وولتر شو (قاضي قضاة سابق) بزيارة فلسطين للتحقيق في أسباب تلك الثورة التي رفع فيها عدد كبير من القتلى والجرحى، حاول محامو اليهود أمام تلك اللجنة، (وكان يرأسها السير بويد ميركان، وهو محامٍ بريطاني شهير استخدمه اليهود خصيصاً من بريطانيا)، أن يجعلوني وزر الدماء المهراقة، مرهبين على ذلك بما كنت هيأته من وسائل السفر، وزاعمين أني كنت على علم بالمعركة، بل وأنني بعدما أحكمت تدبيرها حاولت الخروج من فلسطين لأخلص من أوزارها. ولكن الحوادث داهَمتني بزعْمهم، وحالت دون إفلاقي. وقد كان جوابي الذي رددت به على مزاعمهم، أني كنت حقاً على وشك السفر، فلما شعرت بالبشر الذين يتآمرون والمكر الذي كتبوه عدلت عن السفر وبقيت. وحتى لو كنت خرجت لسارعت بالعودة إلى البلاد لأواجه عدوانكم البشع على وطني، ولأتحمل المسؤولية كاملة في هذا الموقف. وحينما قلت هذا القول لم أكن أظن أني سأضطر لهجرة وطني، بعد ثمانية أعوام، أي بعد عام من نشوب ثورة عام (1936). تلك الثورة الكبرى التي استمرت ستة أشهر ورافقها الإضراب الفلسطيني العظيم الذي بهر العالم، ثم وقفه نتيجة لتدخل ملوك العرب وقِيَامهم بالوساطة لدى بريطانيا لإقناعها بإنصاف العرب الفلسطينيين. !حضرة رئيس اللجنة العربية العليا إلى أبنائنا عرب فلسطين» لقد تألمنا للحالة السائدة في فلسطين. فنحن بالاتفاق مع إخواننا ملوك العرب والأمير عبد الله، ندعوكم للاخلاد للسكينة حقناً للدماء، مستنيرين على حسن نوايا (٥) البراق، وهو المحراب الغربي للمسجد الأقصى المبارك، ويدعى العراق النبي الشريف ويزعم اليهود زوراً بأنه حافظ التابوت لإقامة هيكلهم المزعوم على أنقاضه. | (Al-Buraq) (5). I intended to travel to Europe. I had prepared for that trip, even obtaining travel permits (visas) from all the countries I was going to visit or pass through. When the signs of the evil that the Jews were responsible for appeared, I felt the gravity of the situation and the necessity of remaining in my homeland. I abandoned the trip and faced the danger until the battle ended with a clear victory for the Arabs and a humiliating defeat for the Jews. When a British parliamentary committee headed by Sir Walter Shaw (a former Chief Justice) visited Palestine to investigate the causes of that revolt, which had resulted in a large number of dead and wounded, the Jewish lawyers before that committee (headed by Sir Boyd Merchant, a renowned British lawyer employed specifically by the Jews in Britain) attempted to hold me responsible for the bloodshed. They intimidated me with the travel arrangements I had prepared, and claimed that I was aware of the battle. Indeed, after I had carefully planned it, I had even attempted to leave Palestine to escape its consequences. But events, they claimed, overtook me and prevented my bankruptcy. My response to their claims was that I was indeed about to leave, but when I sensed the people plotting and the deceit they had plotted, I changed my mind and stayed. Even if I had left, I would have hastened to return to the country to confront your hideous aggression against my homeland and bear full responsibility for this situation. When I said this, I never imagined that I would be forced to leave my country eight years later—a year after the outbreak of the 1936 revolution. That great revolution lasted six months and was accompanied by a massive Palestinian strike that astonished the world. It was then halted as a result of the intervention of Arab kings who mediated with Britain to persuade it to do justice to the Palestinian Arabs. I cherish the kind letter sent to me by the Arab kings, namely, His Majesty the late King Abdulaziz Al Saud, King Ghazi of Iraq, Imam Yahya Hamid al-Din of Yemen, and Prince Abdullah bin Hussein, Emir of Transjordan (although Transjordan had become a kingdom at that time). It was dated 22 Rajab 1355 AH (October 8, 1936), and read: »Dear Chairman of the Arab Higher Committee, To our Palestinian Arab sons! We are pained by the prevailing situation in Palestine. We, in agreement with our brothers, the Arab kings and Prince Abdullah, call upon you to maintain peace to prevent bloodshed, guided by good intentions (5) Al-Buraq, the western sanctuary of the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque, is called the Holy Prophet's Mosque in Iraq, and the Jews falsely claim that it was the guardian of the Ark of the Covenant for the construction of their alleged temple on its ruins. |
27 | صديقتنا الحكومة البريطانية ورغبتها المعلنة لتحقيق العدل، وثقوا بأننا سنواصل السعي في سبيل مساعدتكم.» وعلى أثر ورود هذه الرسائل الرقيقة اجتمعت اللجنة العربية العليا لفلسطين وبحثت الحالة بحثاً دقيقاً وقررت وقف الإضراب العام ودعوة عرب فلسطين إلى السكينة وإنهاء الثورة ابتداء من الساعة الثامنة صباح الاثنين الواقع في 22 رجب سنة 1355 هـ الموافق 13 تشرين الأول (أكتوبر) 1936م، ووجهت بذلك نداءً عاماً للشعب الفلسطيني: وكان ما دهش له المراقبون الأجانب أن الإضراب الذي استمر ستة أشهر كاملة شمل خلالها فلسطين بأسرها، بمدنها وقراها، قد انتهى، وكذلك أوقف إطلاق النيران في الدقيقة المحددة في منشور اللجنة العربية العليا، فدلّ ذلك على دقة النظام ومدى الطاعة والانسجام بين أهل فلسطين في تلك الأيام. ولما وقفت المعركة قيام تلك الهيئة التي كان القصد منها إتاحة الفرص للدول العربية لمفاوضة بريطانيا على حل قضية فلسطين حلاً عادلاً، رأت اللجنة العربية العليا أن تبعث بوفود إلى الأقطار العربية لإفادة ذوي الشأن فيها فيما يتعلق بالاتصال باللجنة الملكية التي قررت الحكومة البريطانية إيفادها برئاسة اللورد بيل إلى فلسطين للتحقيق في أسباب الثورة وتقديم توصياتها بشأن حل دائم لمشكلتها. وقد أوقفت اللجنة العربية لهذه الغاية وفوداً إلى الرياض ودمشق وبغداد، وكانت اللجنة العربية وعرب فلسطين يميلون إلى مقاطعة هذه اللجنة البريطانية لأنهم لم يسهموا بعد استشارة الملوك والرؤساء العرب إلا التزول على رأيهم والاتصال بها. وفي 23 حزيران (يونيو) 1937 قدمت اللجنة الملكية تقريرها إلى ملك بريطانيا، ثم توارت الشائعات عن استكمال تقرير اللجنة على توصية الحكومة البريطانية بتقسيم فلسطين. وخلال هذه الفترة قد سافرت إلى المملكة العربية السعودية مع وفد زاملني فيه الأستاذ محمد عزة دروزة، والمغفور لهما رياض الصلح والشيخ محمد كامل القصاب، منتهزين فرصة الحج لمقابلة المغفور له الملك عبد العزيز آل سعود، لبسط قضية فلسطين وشرح ظلامتها لحجاج بيت الله الحرام. ومع أن قضية فلسطين كانت القضية الأساسية التي قدم الوفد من أجلها وهي شغله الشاغل وهمه الأول، فإنها لم تُحل دون اهتمامه بموضوع الوحدة العربية ومحادثة الملك عبد العزيز ووزرائه ورجال الدولة بشأن | Our friend the British government and its declared desire to achieve justice, rest assured that we will continue to strive to assist you.» Following the receipt of these kind letters, the Arab Higher Committee for Palestine met and carefully examined the situation. It decided to suspend the general strike, call on the Arabs of Palestine to remain calm, and end the revolt, beginning at eight o'clock in the morning on Monday, Rajab 22, 1355 AH (October 13, 1936 CE). In doing so, it issued a general appeal to the Palestinian people: To the astonishment of foreign observers, the strike, which had lasted for six full months and encompassed all of Palestine, including its cities and villages, had ended. Furthermore, the ceasefire was also declared at the minute specified in the Arab Higher Committee's circular. This demonstrated the precision of the system and the extent of obedience and harmony among the people of Palestine during those days. When the battle thwarted the establishment of this body, which was intended to provide the Arab states with the opportunity to negotiate a just solution to the Palestine issue with Britain, the Arab Higher Committee decided to send delegations to the Arab countries to inform those concerned about contacting the Royal Commission, which the British government had decided to send, headed by Lord Peel, to Palestine to investigate the causes of the revolution and make recommendations on a permanent solution to the problem. For this purpose, the Arab Committee sent delegations to Riyadh, Damascus, and Baghdad. The Arab Committee and the Arabs of Palestine were inclined to boycott this British commission, as they had contributed nothing after consulting the Arab kings and presidents except to reject their opinions and contact it. On June 23, 1937, the Royal Commission submitted its report to the British King. Rumors then circulated that the commission's report had been completed, including the British government's recommendation to partition Palestine. During this period, I traveled to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia with a delegation that included Professor Muhammad Izzat Darwaza, the late Riad Al-Solh and Sheikh Muhammad Kamil Al-Qassab, taking advantage of the Hajj pilgrimage to meet the late King Abdul Aziz Al Saud, to explain the Palestinian issue and its injustices to the pilgrims to the House of God. Although the Palestinian issue was the primary issue for which the delegation had come and was its primary concern and preoccupation, it did not prevent it from being interested in the issue of Arab unity and speaking with King Abdul Aziz, his ministers and statesmen about |
28 | وضرورة العمل لتحقيقها. وقد أبدى الملك استعداده لبذل الجهد في سبيل تحقيق هذه الغاية المثلى، وعهد إليّ رحمه الله شخصياً أن أحداث الحكومة العراقية بشأنها (وكنت حينئذ على صلة حسنة بها). [map] خريطة مشروع التقسيم بموجب التقرير الذي وضعته اللجنة الملكية البريطانية (لجنة بيل) سنة 1937 | and the necessity of working to achieve it. The King expressed his willingness to make an effort to achieve this ideal goal, and he personally entrusted me, may God have mercy on him, to inform the Iraqi government about it (and I was on good terms with it at the time).And the necessity of working to achieve it. The King expressed his willingness to make an effort to achieve this ideal goal, and he personally entrusted me, may God have mercy on him, to inform the Iraqi government about it (and I was on good terms with it at the time). [map] Partition Plan Map According to the report prepared by the British Royal Commission (the Peel Commission) in 1937 |
29 | وبعد عودة ذلك الوفد، ألّفنا وفداً آخر لزيارة سورية زاملني فيه السادة حسن أبو السعود، ومحمد اسحق درويش ومحمد المقيبي. فقبلنا رئيس الجمهورية السيد هاشم الاتاسي وأركان الدولة السورية الجديدة التي تسلمت الحكم إثر معاهدة (1936). ولم نكث طويلاً في سورية إذ وصلتنا أخبار مقلقة عن فلسطين تشير إلى أن بريطانيا قد ركبت رأسها، وأنها ستشرع في اتخاذ وسائل الشدة والعنف وستقمع بالقوة كل حركة وطنية وتحمل كل أمة تجربتها وأنها شرعت في اعتقال المجاهدين الفلسطينيين. فبادرنا بالعودة إلى فلسطين مرغمين على مجابهة هذا الموقف الدولي الاستعماري. وقد استغربت السلطات البريطانية عودتنا وكانت تظن أننا انتهزنا الفرصة للنجاة بأنفسنا من تنفذها وانقضت فترة من الزمن بذل الإنكليز خلالها أقصى جهدهم في المساومة والإغراء متوسلين بوسائل وسائط كثيرة. ولما فشلوا في التأثير على وسائل الإغراء والوعد، عمدوا عمداً إلى التهديد والوعيد فأرسل إلي مدير المخابرات العسكرية البريطانية حينئذ المستر «دومفيل» عدة رسائل شـفوية مع بعض أشخاص من أصدقائه ووسطائه كان آخرها رسالة قال فيها: «إن الإنكليز في سبيل مصالحهم ومصلحة الإمبراطورية يفعلون كل شيء، يبطشون ويقتلون ولا يبالون باقتراف أي عمل، فننصحك ألا تعاند، وأن توثق بنفسك وبأهلك ومن معك.» فلما يئسوا من جدوى الوعيد والتهديد أيضاً، عمدوا على اتخاذ خطة جديدة من العنف والطعن، وقد أرخصت لذلك الصحف البريطانية واليهودية وبعض الصحف الأخرى الموالية لهم، وبادرت جريدة الناس اللندنية الوثيقة الصلة بالدوائر الرسمية البريطانية بنشر مقال بتاريخ ١٦ تموز (يوليو) سنة 1937 جاء فيه: «إن المفتي هو العقبة الكؤود في سبيل كل حل للمشكلة وأي تفاهم مع اليهود، وأنه لولا خوفه من ظهور كثير من المعتدلين الذين يمكن التفاهم معهم، فيجب على الحكومة البريطانية أن لا تتركه وشأنه بل تنحيه وتعزله من رئاسة المجلس الإسلامي الأعلى، وأن تستعين به وبالفريق المتصلب العنيد من المتطرفين.» وقد كان مقال اليأس هذا نذير دعاني إلى الحذر وإلى توقع شر الإنكليز في وقت قريب. وفعلاً لم يلبث أن تحقق ما توقعته. فقد فاجأتنا السلطة البريطانية باقتحام دار اللجنة العربية العليا لفلسطين في القدس يوم (17 تموز «يوليو» سنة 1937) في الساعة الخامسة مساءً بينما كانت تعقد اجتماعها بحضور جميع أعضائها وكنت رأس اجتماعها، فأحاطت الدار قوة كبيرة من رجال البوليس البريطاني بعدما سدت منافذ الدخول. | After the return of that delegation, we formed another delegation to visit Syria. Messrs. Hassan Abu al-Saud, Muhammad Ishaq Darwish, and Muhammad al-Muqaybi accompanied me. We were received by the President of the Republic, Mr. Hashim al-Atassi, and the pillars of the new Syrian state that had assumed power following the 1936 Treaty. We had not stayed long in Syria when we received disturbing news about Palestine indicating that Britain had gotten carried away and was about to resort to harsh and violent measures, forcefully suppressing every national movement, and making every nation bear the brunt of its experience. We had begun arresting Palestinian fighters. We were forced to return to Palestine, forced to confront this international colonial stance. The British authorities were surprised by our return, believing we had seized the opportunity to escape their control. A period of time passed, during which the British exerted their utmost effort at bargaining and enticement, employing numerous means. When they failed to achieve their goal through enticement and promises, they deliberately resorted to threats and intimidation. The then Director of British Military Intelligence, Mr. Domville, sent me several verbal messages through some of his friends and intermediaries. The last of these messages was: «The British are doing everything they can to achieve their own interests and the interests of the empire. They are brutalizing and killing, and they do not care about committing any act. We advise you not to be stubborn, and to trust yourself, your family, and those with you.» When they despaired of the effectiveness of their threats and intimidation, they resorted to a new plan of violence and slander. This was approved by British and Jewish newspapers, as well as some other pro-Iranian newspapers. The London-based Al-Nas newspaper, closely linked to British official circles, published an article on July 16, 1937, which stated: «The Mufti is the stumbling block to any solution to the problem and any understanding with the Jews. Were it not for his fear of the emergence of many moderates with whom an understanding could be reached, the British government should not leave him alone, but rather remove him from the presidency of the Supreme Islamic Council and seek help from him and the stubborn, hard-line group of extremists.» This despairing article was a warning that prompted me to be cautious and to anticipate the evil of the British in the near future. Indeed, my predictions soon came true. The British authorities surprised us by storming the headquarters of the Arab Higher Committee for Palestine in Jerusalem on July 17, 1937, at five o'clock in the evening, while it was holding its meeting with all its members present, and I was chairing the meeting. A large force of British policemen surrounded the headquarters after blocking the entry points |
30 | الطرق وطرقت الحي كله، وكانت مسلحة بمدافع التومي والبنادق سريعة الطلقات وعلى رأسها الضابطان زكر وتوغزغال، من ضباط دائرة التحريات الجنائية، فقطعوا خطوط التلفون ثم اقتحموا غرفة الاجتماع وباقي غرف الدار وأخذوا يفتشون ويفتشون عني بحثاً دقيقاً في كل مكان. وكانت السلطات البريطانية قد أعدت مصفحة حربية لنقلي إلى ميناء حيفا حيث كان الطراد البريطاني (رياليس) في انتظاري لنقلي إلى جزيرة موريس في المحيط الهندي. ولكن في اللحظة الأخيرة، وقبل إحكام طوق الحصار العسكري كلية تمكنت من الخروج من الدار والإفلات من الشرق والوصول إلى باب المدينة القديمة التي يحيط بها سور عال من بناء السلاطين العثمانيين لحماية القدس من هجمات الأعداء. فولجت الباب ووصلت إلى منزلي المشرف على الجدار الغربي المعروف بمكان البراق والواقع مدخله بين أروقة ساحة المسجد الأقصى المبارك العظيمة الأتساع التي تبلغ مساحتها ثلاثة وسبعين فداناً. ولما كان المسجد الأقصى يضم في ذلك الوقت عدداً من المجاهدين الفلسطينيين بالبندقية والمدفع الرشاشة والقبائل البدوية، وقد كانوا على أتم استعداد لمقابلة العدوان البريطاني، فقد اضطرت السلطات البريطانية بعدما فشلت في القبض علي، أن تضع حراسة عسكرية قوية على أبواب المسجد الأقصى العديدة وحول أسوار المدينة القديمة لمنعي من النجاة. وظلت هذه القوة نحو ثلاثة أشهر تحاصر المسجد الأقصى، فقد منعت خلالها عن البريد والرقيات والاتصال بالعالم كما قطعت التلفون والكهرباء. وأخيراً جاءت قوة عسكرية من مسلمي الهند قاصدة أن تقتحم بها أبواب المسجد الأقصى للقبض علي وعلى من فيه من مجاهدين، ولما كان ذلك يسبب نتائج خطيرة ويسيء فادح في الأقصى ولا سيما في هذا المسجد المبارك العظيم الذي يجب أن تتوفر له حرمته لما له من قدسية ومكانة دينية وتاريخية وأثرية، فقد قررت عندئذ فقط الخروج والهجرة والجارفة باختراق نطاق الحصار لبيني وللمسجد من جميع أطرافه، والهجرة إلى أحد الأقطار العربية المجاورة، حيث توفرت لي حرية العمل ومتابعة حركة الجهاد والتحرر التي أوشكت أن تستأنف نشاطها بعد صدور قرار اللجنة الملكية بتقسيم فلسطين. ولم يكن قرار الخروج والهجرة يسيراً علي، لأني لم أكن أحب الابتعاد عن ميدان المعركة من جهة، والارتباط الفطري بوطنه ودياره من جهة ثانية. وقد شجعني على اتخاذ قراري هذا ما جاء في الآية الشريفة: «قل إن كان اباؤكم وابناؤكم وإخوانكم وأزواجكم وعشيرتكم وأموال اقترفتموها | they knocked on the doors and knocked on the door of the entire neighborhood. They were armed with Tommy guns and rapid-fire rifles, and were led by Officers Zakir and Toghzgal, officers from the Criminal Investigation Department. They cut the telephone lines, then stormed the meeting room and the rest of the house, searching me thoroughly everywhere. The British authorities had prepared an armored vehicle to transport me to the port of Haifa, where the British cruiser Realis was waiting to transport me to Morris Island in the Indian Ocean. But at the last moment, before the military siege was completely tightened, I managed to escape from the house, escape to the east, and reach the gate of the Old City, surrounded by a high wall built by the Ottoman sultans to protect Jerusalem from enemy attacks. I entered the gate and reached my home overlooking the Western Wall, known as the Buraq Mosque, whose entrance is located between the arcades of the vast courtyard of the blessed Al-Aqsa Mosque, which covers an area of seventy-three acres. Since Al-Aqsa Mosque at that time housed a number of Palestinian mujahideen armed with rifles and machine guns, as well as Bedouin tribes, who were fully prepared to confront the British aggression, the British authorities, after failing to arrest me, were forced to place a heavy military guard at the many gates of Al-Aqsa Mosque and around the walls of the Old City to prevent my escape. This force remained besieging Al-Aqsa Mosque for about three months, during which it was denied mail, telegrams, and contact with the outside world, and its telephone and electricity services were cut off. Finally, a military force of Indian Muslims arrived, intending to storm the gates of Al-Aqsa Mosque to arrest me and the Mujahideen inside. Since this would have serious consequences and would severely harm Al-Aqsa, especially this great and blessed mosque, which must be respected due to its sanctity and religious, historical, and archaeological significance, I only then decided to leave and emigrate, sweeping through the siege of me and the mosque from all sides, and emigrate to a neighboring Arab country. There, I would have the freedom to work and continue the jihad and liberation movement, which was about to resume its activities after the Royal Commission's decision to partition Palestine was issued. The decision to leave and emigrate was not easy for me, because I disliked being away from the battlefield on the one hand, and because of my innate connection to my homeland and my country on the other. I was encouraged to make this decision by the following verse: "Say, 'If your fathers, your sons, your brothers, your wives, your kindred, or the wealth you have acquired... |
31 | وتجارة تخشون كسادها ومساكن ترضونها أحبّ إليكم من الله ورسوله وجهاد في سبيله فتربصوا حتى يأتي الله بأمره، والله لا يهدي القوم الفاسقين». فقد كنت أشعر براحة وودعة وطمأنينة في مسكني، فلم يكن من السهل علي مغادرته. أما كيفية خروجي من منزلي ونجاتي من نطاق الجند البريطاني الذي كان يحيط به وأسوار المسجد الأقصى والمدينة القديمة ليلاً ونهاراً، فقد تحدثت عنها الصحف كثيراً في ذلك الحين، حتى أن جريدة الديلي إكسبريس خاطبتني بالتلفون من لندن بعد وصولي إلى بيروت عارضة علي عشرين ألف دولار لقاء كشف الطريقة التي استطعت بها اختراق الحصار العسكري البريطاني الشديد، فرفضت ذلك لاقتناعي بعرضهم، ولإعتقادي أن ظروف القضية الفلسطينية ووفرة أعدائها من مستعمرين ويهود، قد تضطرني للقيام بمثل هذه المغامرة مرة أخرى، وبالفعل فقد حلت إليها بعد ذلك مراراً. لقد كان البيت الذي أقيم فيه في القدس من المباني القديمة المحيطة بالمسجد الأقصى التي شادتها الدول الإسلامية السابقة لتكون رابطة ومدارس ومراكز روحية ودعائية عن ذلك المكان المقدس. وقد اعتقدت خلال الثورات المتتالية والمعارك الدموية التي كانت تشتبك في بيت المقدس، وسائر فلسطين، في عهد حكومة استعمارية ظالمة مع الأعداء، أن الحذر والمحطة ضرورة قصوى، فتغافلت أبواب بيتي ونوافذه إلا الباب المتصل بحرم المسجد الأقصى كما فتحت منفذاً سرياً يصل بأحد أبنية القديمة الضخمة التي أنشئت في عهد المماليك والمسماة بمدرسة تنكز وهي توصل إلى بيوت ومنافذ أخرى يمكنني سلوكها والنجاة منها عند الضرورة. وبعد دراسة السبيل التي ينبغي سلوكها لاجتياز نطاق الجند البريطاني، لم تكن هناك سبيل للخروج من أي باب لشدة الحراسة والتفتيش، ولم يكن مناص من تسلق أحد الأسوار والهبوط منه إلى الخارج، وهكذا كان فقد ربط حبل متين في أعلى سور المسجد الجنوبي هبطنا مع دقته (1) بوساطته من ارتفاع عشرين متراً حتى وصلنا الأرض. وقد بحثتنا كلاب الحي منبهة أسماع الجنود الإنكليز الذين كانوا يروحون ويغدون وراء سواتر المزرعة (الحاكورة) التي هبطنا إليها والتي لم يكن بد من اجتيازها. وقد رصد صاحب المزرعة (2) سير الجنود حتى سنحت لنا فرصة فخرجنا من المزرعة، وهبطنا إلى «وادي (1) المرحوم عارف الحاجوني من كبار مجاهدي القدس. (2) كان صاحب المزرعة (الحاكورة) يعرف المرحوم عارف الحاجوني الذي ألمه أن معه أحد الأصدقاء، دون ذكر الاسم، يريد تسهيل هروبه. | and commerce in which you fear decline and dwellings which you delight in are dearer to you than Allah and His Messenger and jihad in His cause. So wait until Allah brings about His command. And Allah does not guide the wicked people.» I felt comfortable, peaceful, and secure in my home, and leaving it was not easy. As for how I left my home and escaped the British forces that surrounded it, along with the walls of Al-Aqsa Mosque and the Old City, day and night, the newspapers covered it extensively at the time. The Daily Express even telephoned me from London after my arrival in Beirut, offering me twenty thousand dollars in exchange for revealing how I had managed to breach the severe British military siege. I declined, convinced by their offer and believing that the circumstances of the Palestinian cause and the abundance of its enemies, including colonists and Jews, might compel me to undertake such an adventure again. Indeed, I have repeatedly ventured into it since then. The house I lived in in Jerusalem was one of the old buildings surrounding the Al-Aqsa Mosque, which were built by the previous Islamic states to serve as a link, schools, and spiritual and propaganda centers for that holy place. During the successive revolutions and bloody battles that were taking place in Jerusalem and the rest of Palestine, during the reign of an unjust colonial government with the enemies, I believed that caution and vigilance were absolutely necessary. I ignored the doors and windows of my house except for the door connected to the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound. I also opened a secret passageway that connected to one of the huge old buildings that were built during the Mamluk era and is called the Tankiz School. It leads to other houses and passageways that I can use and escape from when necessary. After studying the path that should be taken to pass through the British soldiers' cordon, there was no way to exit through any door due to the heavy guarding and inspection. There was no alternative but to climb one of the walls and descend from it to the outside. And so it was that a strong rope was tied to the top of the southern wall of the mosque, and we descended with its precision (1) from a height of twenty meters until we reached the ground. The neighborhood dogs searched for us, alerting the ears of the British soldiers who were coming and going behind the barriers of the farm (hakoura) to which we had descended, which we had no choice but to cross. The owner of the farm (2) monitored the soldiers' progress until we had an opportunity to leave the farm and descend into «Wadi (1) The late Arif al-Hajouni, one of the great mujahideen of Jerusalem. (2) The owner of the farm (hakoura) knew the late Arif al-Hajouni, who was alarmed that he was with a friend, without mentioning his name, who wanted to facilitate his escape. |
32 | الرابية» ثم صعدنا الحي العربي القائم على جبل «الشيخ الثوري» حيث كان في انتظارنا أحد الأصدقاء في سيارة أعدت إعداداً خاصاً. وكان الخروج من القدس في الساعة السابعة من مساء الثامن من شعبان سنة 1356هـ الموافق 13 أكتوبر سنة 1937. ووصلت بنا السيارة إلى يافا رغم تعرضها للتفتيش مراراً، وكنت أرتدي لباساً بدوية بسيطة ملهلبة، ونزلنا في بيت أحد الأصدقاء(1) نخلص من سراة يافا على شاطئ البحر وكنا معه على ميعاد في تلك الليلة، وقد أعد زورقاً بخارياً لنقلنا إلى الشواطئ اللبنانية، ولكن الإنكليز راقبوا في هذا الزورق وأوقفوه وحجزوه، ولما لم يثمر في سمعنا الانتظار طويلاً لئلا ينكشف خبر خروجنا من القدس، فقد اضطررنا أن نركب في زورق شرّاعي صغير حمولته طن واحد، ولا يزيد طوله على ثلاث أمتار، يملكه شاب وطني مغامر من بحارة يافا الشجعان(2) متوكلين على الله. وسار الزورق في بوقيته الساعة الواحدة بعد منتصف الليل متسللاً ومحاذراً زوارق ودوريات البوليس البريطاني البحرية التي كانت ترسل أضواءها الكاشفة إلى كل مكان، وكان زورقنا الضئيل يسير في ظلال المباني العالية المحاذية للشاطئ كلما سلطت عليه الأنوار. واستطعنا أن نسير سيراً شديد ونخرج من ميناء يافا ونصل إلى ميناء تل أبيب بعد ساعات وطلع علينا الصبح ونحن لم نزل أمام قرية سيدنا علي (وهي قلعة آسوف التي اشتهرت في الحروب الصليبية) حيث شاهدنا سفينة حربية صغيرة تقتفي أثرنا من بعيد. وبجهد قليل سحبنا زورقنا الصغير إلى الشاطئ وأدخلناه إلى اليابسة، وجلسنا بجواره حتى مرت سفينة تخفر السواحل غير آبهة، ثم استأنفنا السير وكانت الريح معاكسة لنا وتجري بنا لتقذف سفينتنا الصغيرة مما اضطرنا إلى طي الشراع واستعمال المجاديف. فلما جن الليل أوينا إلى صخرة قريبة من ميناء أبو زابورة وهكذا لم نقطع خلال خمس عشرة ساعة أكثر من أربعين كيلومتراً. وبعد أن نلنا نصيبنا من الراحة استأنفنا السير الليل كله وأصبحنا على مقربة من شاطئ قرية «الطنطورة» جنوبي حيفا حيث أوينا إلى ظل كهف كان يلجأ إليه المهرّبون عادة، فنلنا قسطاً من الراحة والطعام وأغمينا قليلاً، إذ بغفوة من بوليس مراقبة المهرّبين في (1) المرحوم يوسف ضيا الدين الحاجي. (2) المرحوم يوسف الرفاعي ومساعد له. | al-Rabieh» then we ascended the Arab neighborhood on Mount Sheikh al-Thawri, where a friend was waiting for us in a specially prepared car. We left Jerusalem at seven o'clock in the evening on the eighth of Sha'ban 1356 AH (October 13, 1937). The car arrived in Jaffa, despite being repeatedly searched. I was wearing simple, colorful Bedouin clothing. We stayed at a friend's house (1) to escape the Jaffa elite on the beach. We had an appointment with him that night. He had prepared a steamboat to transport us to the Lebanese coast, but the British were monitoring the boat, stopping it, and impounding it. Since waiting too long to avoid the news of our departure from Jerusalem was fruitless, we were forced to board a small sailboat with a one-ton capacity and no more than three meters in length. The boat was owned by a patriotic, adventurous young man from the brave sailors of Jaffa (2), who put their trust in God. The boat set sail at 1:00 AM, sneaking past the British police boats and patrol boats, which were shining their searchlights everywhere. Our small boat drifted in the shadows of the tall buildings along the shore whenever the lights shone on it. We managed to make it out of Jaffa Port and reached Tel Aviv Port a few hours later. Daybreak arrived, and we were still in front of the village of Sayyidna Ali (now the Asuf Fortress, famous during the Crusades). We saw a small warship following us from afar. With a little effort, we pulled our small boat ashore and brought it ashore. We sat beside it until a coast guard ship passed by, unconcerned. We resumed sailing, but the wind was against us and tossed our small boat around, forcing us to furl the sail and use the oars. When night fell, we took refuge on a rock near Abu Zabura Port. In fifteen hours, we covered no more than 40 kilometers. After we had our share of rest, we resumed our journey throughout the night, and we reached the shore of the village of Tantura, south of Haifa, where we took refuge in the shade of a cave where smugglers usually took refuge. We rested and ate and fell asleep for a while, when a smuggler's surveillance policeman fell asleep (1) The late Yusef Dia al-Din al-Hajji. (2) The late Yusef al-Rifai and his assistant. |
33 | ذلك الشاطئ تلهّما ذهبنا مع صاحب الزورق مندوراً ولبثت أنا مبدّلاً بملابسي مظاهراً النوم، وحسن الحظ كان قائد الدورية صديقاً حميماً لصاحب الزورق فحادثه بلغة وتحدث، وقال له: "لقد ظنناكم مهرّبين فداهمناكم"، ثم دعانا إلى بيته وليمة غداء في بيته ولم نتخلص من دعوة الكرمية إلا بشق الأنفس، ولم تكن قوة البوليس تبتعد عنا حتى رجعنا إلى الزورق وركبناه، واستمتعنا الرياح وتوغّلنا في البحر لنبعد عن جبل الكرمل وميناء حيفا وما فيها من سفن حفر السواحل. ولما جنّ الليل كنا قد جاوزنا الشواطئ الفلسطينية وصِرنا أمام شاطئ البياضة بالقرب من مدينة (صور اللبنانية) فاتجهنا إليها وقد رأينا سيارة تقف على الطريق أخاذي للشاطئ وتوجه أنوارها إلى البحر فأدركنا أنها السيارة التي كنا قد اتفقنا مع أحد الأصدقاء على إعدادها لتحملنا بطريق لبنان إلى دمشق حيث قامت جمهورية عربية جديدة برئاسة السيد هاشم الاتاسي، وكان رئيس الوزراء والوزراء جميعاً من صفوة الوطنيين الأصدقاء كالسيد شكري القوتلي والسيد سعد الله الجابري، وغيرهما. فلما اقتربنا من الشاطئ فاجأنا زورق بخاري فرنسي مسلح من قوة حفر السواحل اللبنانية وأخذ زورقنا إلى صور ولما شرعوا في التحقيق معنا خابت آمالهم، إذ لم يوفّقوا في القبض على المهرّبين الذين كانوا في انتظارهم، ورفضت أنا أن أعرّفهم بشخصيتي وسميت نفسي "محمد الجعفري"، حتى وصل مساعد مدير الأمن العام الفرنسي في لبنان وأخذني بسيارته إلى بيروت حيث قابلني مدير الأمن العام المسيو كوكلياني وعرفني، ومكثت في بيروت تحت حراسة الشرطة الفرنسية ولم يسمح لي بكتابة السفر إلى دمشق، ولا مقابلة أحد في بيروت وبعد مخاطبات طويلة بين الفرنسيين والإنكليز حاول المندوب السامي الفرنسي الكاونت دو مارتيل نقلي إلى باريس، فرفضت وقامت مظاهرات عربية حماسية في بيروت التي بذل زعماؤها الوطنيين جهوداً مشكورة أدت إلى بقائي في لبنان وإقامتي بقرية "الدوق" على مسيرة ١٨ كيلومتراً من بيروت إلى الشمال حيث بقيت تحت إشراف البوليس عامين كاملين إلى أن نشبت الحرب العالمية الثانية. لقد كان المساعدون الأساسيون في هذه المغامرة، والذين يعود إليهم بعد الله الفضل في اختراق النطاق الإنكليزي الشديد، وإنقاذي من براثن المستعمرين، شبّانة بطلان اثنان من القدس، واثنان في الطريق بين القدس ويافا، واثنان من يافا، واثنان في صور، ولقد أدى كل واحد منهم دوره بكل إخلاص وحماسة وكتمان، ولم يخن أحدهم بكلمة عما فعله حتى الآن، ولم يُقبَض، ولم يُفْتَضح، ولم ينل أحد منهم أجراً مادياً | that beach inspired us. We went with the boat owner, Mandura. I stayed there, dressed in my clothes, pretending to be asleep. Fortunately, the patrol leader was a close friend of the boat owner, so he spoke to him in his native language and said, "We thought you were smugglers, so we attacked you." He then invited us to his house for lunch. We barely escaped the gracious invitation. The police force was barely far from us until we returned to the boat and boarded it. We enjoyed the winds and ventured out to sea to avoid Mount Carmel, the port of Haifa, and its coastal drilling vessels. When night fell, we had passed the Palestinian shores and were in front of the beach of Al-Bayada, near the Lebanese city of Tyre. We headed towards it and saw a car parked on the road leading to the beach, its lights directed towards the sea. We realized that it was the car we had agreed with a friend to prepare to take us through Lebanon to Damascus, where a new Arab Republic had been established, headed by Mr. Hashim Al-Atassi. The Prime Minister and all the ministers were from the elite of our nationalist friends, such as Mr. Shukri Al-Quwatli, Mr. Saadallah Al-Jabri, and others. As we approached the shore, a French armed motorboat from the Lebanese Coast Guard surprised us and took our boat to Tyre. When they began to interrogate us, their hopes were dashed, as they were unsuccessful in arresting the smugglers they were waiting for. I refused to identify myself and called myself "Mohammed al-Jaafari." Then the assistant director of French General Security in Lebanon arrived and took me in his car to Beirut, where the Director of General Security, Monsieur Coquillani, met me and introduced me. I remained in Beirut under French police guard. I was not allowed to travel to Damascus or meet anyone in Beirut. After lengthy discussions between the French and the British, the French High Commissioner, Count de Martel, tried to transfer me to Paris. I refused, and enthusiastic Arab demonstrations broke out in Beirut, whose nationalist leaders made commendable efforts that led to my remaining in Lebanon and residing in the village of "Al-Duq," 18 kilometers north of Beirut, where I remained under police supervision for two full years until the outbreak of World War II. The main assistants in this adventure, to whom, after God, I owe the credit for penetrating the strict English cordon and saving me from the clutches of the colonists, were two heroic young men from Jerusalem, two on the road between Jerusalem and Jaffa, two from Jaffa, and two in Tyre. Each one of them performed his role with complete sincerity, enthusiasm, and secrecy. Not one of them betrayed a word about what he had done so far, nor was he arrested, nor was he disgraced, nor did any of them receive any financial reward |
34 | على عمله، حتى صاحب الزورق فقد قدمت إليه خمسين جنيهاً حين فارقته في (صور) أجرة لزورقه وجهده العظيم، وما عاناه في ثلاث ليالٍ وثلاثة أيام من مشاق وخطر، فأبى قبولها وأقسم أن لا يأخذ مني أي أجرٍ بعد عودتي إلى القدس. فما أعظم هؤلاء المخلصين وأمثالهم من المؤمنين العاملين الذين لا يقبلون أجراً إلا من رب العالمين. فلهم جميعاً من قضى نحبه ومن ينتظر، أخلص دعائي وأطيب تحياتي واحترامي. ثورة فلسطين الكبرى وإضرابها التاريخي 1936–1939: قبل اضطراري للهجرة من فلسطين، حدثت فيها أحداث مهدت لاستئناف الثورة التي أوقفت استجابة لدعوة ملوك العرب وتعهدهم بالسعي لدى بريطانيا لتحقيق مطالب الفلسطينيين. ولكن صدور تقرير لجنة اللورد بيل بتقسيم فلسطين جاء محبطاً للآمال، فوضعت اللجنة العربية العليا التي أرسلت إلى الحكومات العربية مذكرة شديدة بالاستنكار والإصرار على تحقيق الميثاق العربي الذي يقرر للفلسطينيين استقلالهم وسيادتهم. وأول جواب ورد على اللجنة العربية كان من السيد حكمت سليمان رئيس الوزارة العراقية حيث استنكر التقسيم، والتعهد كفاهمته. ثم أعلن تصريحاً شديداً عقب ذلك بأن العراق سيحطم أكبر رأس عربي يقبل التقسيم. ثم وردت برقيات كثيرة تؤيد عرب فلسطين، والوعد بمناصرتهم، والحض على الثبات والاستمرار واستنكار التقسيم، من المغفور لهم الملك عبد العزيز آل سعود، والإمام يحيى حميد الدين ملك اليمن، ومحمد باشا محمود زعيم المعارضة بمصر مجدداً، ومن رئيس الوزارة السورية محمد جميل مردم بك، ومن علماء الأزهر، وشخصيات العراق، ومن كثير من زعماء الأقطار العربية في المشرق والمغرب، وزعماء المسلمين في الهند والأفغان وإيران وغيرهما. وقامت مظاهرات كبيرة في البلاد العربية قاطبة ضد التقسيم. وفي أغسطس سنة 1937 عرضت الحكومة البريطانية مشروع التقسيم على عصبة الأمم المتحدة في جنيف وطلبت الموافقة عليه. ولكن لجنة الانتداب، وكان يرأسها موفد المركز (تودولي) الإيطالي قررت أن لا توافق على تقرير لجنة بيل الذي أوصت بالتقسيم. غير أن الحكومة البريطانية أعادت الكرة، فرفضت التقرير بعد نحو شهر من هذا التاريخ، | For his work, even the boat owner, whom I offered fifty pounds when I left him in Tyre, as rent for his boat and his great effort, and for the hardships and danger he had endured over three nights and three days, refused to accept it and vowed not to take any wages from me after my return to Jerusalem. How great are these dedicated people and their likes, faithful workers who accept no reward except from the Lord of the Worlds. To all of them, those who have passed away and those who are waiting, my sincere prayers, best regards, and respect. The Great Palestine Revolt and its Historic Strike 1936–1939: Before I was forced to emigrate from Palestine, events occurred that paved the way for the resumption of the revolution, which had been halted in response to the call of the Arab kings and their pledge to work with Britain to achieve the Palestinians' demands. However, the issuance of Lord Peel's report on the partition of Palestine was disappointing, and the Arab Higher Committee, which sent a strong memorandum to the Arab governments expressing condemnation and insistence on implementing the Arab Charter, which guarantees the Palestinians their independence and sovereignty. The first response received by the Arab Committee came from Mr. Hikmat Sulayman, the Iraqi Prime Minister, who denounced the partition and pledged to fully understand it. He then issued a strong statement that Iraq would crush the biggest Arab leader who accepted partition. Numerous telegrams then arrived, supporting the Arabs of Palestine, promising to support them, urging steadfastness and perseverance, and condemning the partition. These telegrams came from the late King Abdulaziz Al Saud, Imam Yahya Hamid al-Din, King of Yemen, Muhammad Pasha Mahmud, the leader of the opposition in Egypt, from the Syrian Prime Minister Muhammad Jamil Mardam Bey, from Al-Azhar scholars, from Iraqi figures, from many Arab leaders in the Levant and Maghreb, and from Muslim leaders in India, Afghanistan, Iran, and elsewhere. Large demonstrations broke out across the Arab world against the partition. In August 1937, the British government presented the partition plan to the League of Nations in Geneva and requested its approval. However, the Mandate Committee, headed by the Italian delegate from the Todoli Center, decided not to accept the Peel Commission report, which recommended partition. However, the British government did it again, rejecting the report about a month after this date, |
35 | بواسطة وزير خارجيتها مستر أيدن على مجلس عصبة الأمم، فأيدت وزير خارجية مصر واصف غالي (باشا) وعارض المشروع بقوة ودافع دفاعاً مجيداً عن قضية فلسطين وحقوق شعبها، وأكد اهتمام مصر الشديد بها لما يربطها بفلسطين من روابط كثيرة، وعبّرت السيد توفيق السويدي وزير خارجية العراق، فعارض المشروع بقوة، ثم عارضه زورغى خان وزير خارجية إيران، وممثلو الأفغان وألبانيا وايرلندا. وكان ممثل ايرلندا جينفز رئيس وزرائها المشهور (ديفاليرا)، فلما أوقفته الأمم موقف الشريف الحر أجابني ببرقية جاء فيها: "إن التقسيم أفظع الوسائل وأبشع الأسلحة التي يجرؤ بها الاستعمار قلب الشعوب المظلومة". ومن الحوادث المهمة التي حدثت خلال هذه الفترة انعقاد مؤتمر بلدان العرب في 8 سبتمبر (أيلول) سنة 1937، وقد انعقد المؤتمر برئاسة ناجي باشا السويدي، وانتخب لنيابة الرئاسة الأمير شكيب أرسلان، ومحمد علي علوبه، واشترك فيه أربعة وخمسون عضواً من صفوة رجال الأمة العربية وزعماؤها. (أنّ فلسطين جزء لا ينفصل من الوطن العربي وأن العرب جميعاً يرفضون مشروع التقسيم وإنشاء دولة يهودية فيها...) ثم اتخذ المؤتمرين ميثاقاً أقسموا عليه ووفوا بحماسة رائعة جاء فيه: (إن المؤتمرين يقسمون ويعهدون أمام الله والتاريخ والشعوب العربية والإسلامية أن يستمروا إلى الكفاح إلى أن يتم إنقاذ فلسطين). جاءت هذه الحوادث وغيرها من أمثالها، وعودة الفلسطينيين في تفرقهم من رفض التقسيم وزادهم تصميماً على الكفاح، ومهدت السبل أمامهم لاستئناف ثورتهم على الاستعمار والظلم، وكانت بريطانيا من جانبها مصممة على المضي في خطتها الشائنة، فشرعت في أعمال العنف والشدة فآذت باعتقال عدد كبير من الوطنيين، وازدادت عنفاً بعد مقتل المستر (أندروز)(1) حاكم لواء الجليل الذي كان من حكام الإنكليز الذين طغوا في البلاد، فقد أطلق عليه بعض الفدائيين الفلسطينيين النار في مدينة "الناصرة" فأردوه قتيلاً. وعملت بعد ذلك السلطة البريطانية إلى حل اللجان القومية الفلسطينية، واعتقال كثير من أعضائها، ثم حلت اللجنة العربية العليا وقبضت على من استطاعت من أعضائها ونقلتهم إلى (سيشل) وهم السادة أحمد حلمي باشا والدكتور حسين الخالدي ويعقوب الغصين وفؤاد سابا، ومن غير أعضائها السيد رشيد الحاج إبراهيم، (1) في 26 أيلول 1937 أقدم مجاهدون على قتل أندروز حاكم لواء الجليل ومرافقه في مدينة الناصرة. | Through its Foreign Minister, Mr. Eden, the League of Nations Council supported Egypt's Foreign Minister, Wassef Ghali (Pasha), who strongly opposed the project and valiantly defended the Palestinian cause and the rights of its people. He emphasized Egypt's keen interest in it, given its many ties to Palestine. Mr. Tawfiq al-Suwaidi, the Iraqi Foreign Minister, also strongly opposed the project. This was then opposed by Zorghi Khan, the Iranian Foreign Minister, and representatives of Afghanistan, Albania, and Ireland. The representative of Ireland, Jenves, was its famous Prime Minister (Devalera). When the United Nations rejected his free, honorable stance, he responded to me with a telegram stating: "Partition is the most horrific means and the most hideous weapon with which colonialism dares to pierce the hearts of oppressed peoples." Among the important events that occurred during this period was the convening of the Arab Countries Conference on September 8, 1937. The conference was chaired by Naji Pasha al-Suwaidi, and Emir Shakib Arslan and Muhammad Ali Alloubah were elected as Vice Presidents. Fifty-four members from the elite of the Arab nation and its leaders participated in the conference. (Palestine is an inseparable part of the Arab homeland, and all Arabs reject the partition plan and the establishment of a Jewish state therein...) The conference participants then adopted a covenant, which they swore to and fulfilled with remarkable enthusiasm. This covenant stated: (The conference participants swear and pledge before God, history, and the Arab and Islamic peoples to continue the struggle until Palestine is saved.) These incidents and others like them, and the Palestinians' resurgence in their dispersal from their rejection of partition, strengthened their resolve to struggle and paved the way for them to resume their revolution against colonialism and oppression. Britain, for its part, was determined to pursue its shameful plan, and it embarked on acts of violence and brutality, leading to the arrest of a large number of nationalists. The violence intensified after the murder of Mr. Andrews (1), the governor of the Galilee District, who was one of the British governors who had tyrannized the country. Some Palestinian fedayeen shot him dead in the city of Nazareth. The British authorities then dissolved the Palestinian National Committees and arrested many of their members. They then dissolved the Arab Higher Committee and arrested as many of its members as they could, transferring them to the Seychelles. These included Messrs. Ahmed Hilmi Pasha, Dr. Hussein al-Khalidi, Yaqoub al-Ghussein, and Fuad Saba. Among the non-members was Rashid al-Hajj Ibrahim. (1) On September 26, 1937, mujahideen assassinated Andrews, the governor of the Galilee District, and his aide in the city of Nazareth. |
36 | وأعلنت إلغاء رئاسة المجلس الإسلامي الأعلى، وسلمت إدارته إلى لجنة ثلاثية، إثنان منها من البريطانيين، برئاسة مستر كركبرايد للإشراف على شؤون الأوقاف، وإحكام الشرعية الإسلامية. وكذلك حلت جميع المؤسسات العربية الوطنية بفلسطين. وعلى أثر ذلك عقدت منظمات الجهاد العربية عدة اجتماعات سرية قررت فيها استئناف الثورة ووضعت الخطة وحددت يوم 15 أكتوبر سنة 1937 موعداً لتنفيذها. وكان خروجي من فلسطين قبل هذا التاريخ بيومين، أي 13 أكتوبر، وقد كنت أعلنت بياناً يُنشر في اليوم المحدد، دعوت فيه الأمة لاستئناف الجهاد واستمرار الكفاح إلى أن تفوز بالحرية والاستقلال. وقد كنت أبدَيت رغبةً لصفوةٍ من قادة المجاهدين في الخروج من القدس إلى إحدى المناطق الجبلية المنية في فلسطين للمشاركة الفعلية في الجهاد، إذ كنت قد مارست الجندية عندما كنت ضابطاً في الجيش العثماني طول مدة الحرب العالمية الأولى، ولكن أولئك القادة، بعد دراسة عميقة للموضوع، عارضوا هذه الرغبة بقوة قائلين أن وجودي في أية منطقة من مناطق الثورة، يجعلها هدفاً مركزياً للأعمال العسكرية البريطانية ومهاجمتها بالطائرات والمدافع والمصفحات وكل ما لدى الأعداء من وسائل حتى يقضوا عليها، ولا سيما أن فلسطين بلاد صغيرة الرقعة تقطعها السيارة خلال ساعتين، وليس فيها أية منطقة لا يستطيع جيش الأعداء اقتحامها بوسائل الحرب الوافرة، ولا تصلح إلا لعمل العصابات التي هي حرب الغور، بالإضافة إلى نقص قلة ما لدى المجاهدين من وسائل للدفاع وضعف التسليح، فعدلت عند رأيهم واتفقنا على خطة العمل، ووسائل الاتصال، وغير ذلك من الشؤون التي تتطلبها ثورة بعيدة الأجل وعلى أن تكون سورية هي مركز وقيادة الحركة. ولأجل تحقيق هذه الغاية طلبت من السلطة الفرنسية عندما وصلت إلى بيروت أن تسمح لي باستئناف سفري إلى دمشق، لكن الفرنسيين رفضوا ذلك، وكلفوني أن أسافر إلى باريس في سفينة فرنسية راسية في الميناء، وجاء مدير الفرقة العسكرية المندوب السامي الفرنسي الكونت دو مارتيل، وهو ضابط فرنسي برتبة كولونيل، يبلغني هذا على انفراد في المنزل الذي أقيم به مؤقتاً، وهو منزل المغفور له الدكتور سميح الفاخوري رئيس المجلس الإسلامي في لبنان. فرفضت هذا التكليف بإصرار، وأبديت في موقفي لبنان، وشاركني في هذا الرفض أيضاً بصفته رئيس المجلس الإسلامي في لبنان الدكتور الفاخوري الذي رفض هذا التكليف كذلك، وسرعان ما قامت مظاهرة في بيروت باستنكار محاولة السلطات الفرنسية إبعادي إلى فرنسا. | I announced the abolition of the presidency of the Supreme Islamic Council and handed over its administration to a three-member committee, two of which were British, headed by Mr. Kirkbride, to oversee the affairs of religious endowments and enforce Islamic law. All Arab national institutions in Palestine were also dissolved. Following this, the Arab jihad organizations held several secret meetings in which they decided to resume the revolution, formulated a plan, and set October 15, 1937, as the date for its implementation. My departure from Palestine occurred two days before this date, October 13. I had issued a statement to be published on the specified day, calling on the nation to resume jihad and continue the struggle until freedom and independence were achieved. I had expressed a desire to a select group of mujahideen leaders to leave Jerusalem for one of the mountainous regions of Palestine to participate actively in the jihad, as I had served as an officer in the Ottoman army throughout the First World War. However, those leaders, after a thorough study of the matter, strongly opposed this desire, saying that my presence in any area of the revolution would make it a central target for British military operations and attacks with aircraft, artillery, armored vehicles, and all the means at the enemy's disposal in order to eliminate it. This was especially true since Palestine is a small country, a distance of two hours by car, and there is no area in it that the enemy army cannot invade with abundant means of war, and it is only suitable for guerrilla operations, which is the war of the Jordan Valley. This was in addition to the mujahideen's lack of means of defense and their weak armament. I reconciled with their opinion, and we agreed on a plan of action, means of communication, and other matters required by a long-term revolution, with Syria as the center and leadership of the movement. To achieve this goal, upon my arrival in Beirut, I asked the French authorities to allow me to resume my journey to Damascus. However, the French refused, and instead instructed me to travel to Paris on a French ship docked in the port. The commander of the military division, the French High Commissioner, Count de Martel, a French colonel, came to inform me of this in private at the house where I was temporarily staying, the home of the late Dr. Samih al-Fakhouri, President of the Islamic Council in Lebanon. I steadfastly refused this assignment, expressing my support for Lebanon. Dr. al-Fakhouri, in his capacity as President of the Islamic Council in Lebanon, also joined me in this refusal. A demonstration quickly erupted in Beirut denouncing the French authorities' attempt to deport me to France. |
After this, transcriptions may be more precise. | ||
37 | وجعلت أفكر فيما ينبغي عمله للافلات من قبضة الفرنسيين إذا ما أصرّوا على ولكننا والحمد لله لم ننجح إلى القيام بهذه المغامرة، إذ لم يلبث الكولونيل الفرنسي وكان من تفضل بزيارتنا في أحرج الأوقات، في (الدوقة)، وفي (قرنايل) التي كنا وقد زارنا خلال العامين الذين قضيناهما في لبنان، وبإحدى الطريقين السرية | I began to think about what I should do to escape the grip of the French if they persisted in their position. I took with me a Palestinian friend who had helped me leave Palestine and accompanied me on my journey by boat from Jaffa to Lebanon. I succeeded, forced to take the necessary path, and I was forced to escape from that house, which was heavily guarded outside by policemen and inside by a number of officers serving in the French neighboring West. We decided we would have to resort to the roped-down method once again. Indeed, my friend came carrying a rope that he tied to the window of the room located on the third floor of the house. The heavy rains at that time helped us survive in the dark of night. But thank God, we did not succeed in this adventure. The French Colonel informed me, at noon the next day, that the French High Commissioner did not want us and that he was allowing us to reside in Lebanon under the supervision of the General Security Directorate. I breathed a sigh of relief and tried again to get the French to allow me to reside in Syria, but they refused to do so, nor to reside in Beirut or Tripoli. After many attempts, they agreed to reside in the village of Zouk Mikael in the Keserwan region. There, I rented a house, and our brothers who worked with us began to visit us and gradually rent the houses next to us, until that remote area became our own private home. This greatly helped us achieve our goals, meet with whomever we needed to meet, and meet secretly with the leaders of the Mujahideen and senior figures of the national movement in Palestine and the Arab countries. This was despite the heavy security and police surveillance imposed by the French authorities on that neighborhood. However, the police officers allowed some of the important people to visit us after obtaining permission from Monsieur Coquilliani, the Director of Public Security. The one who honored us during the most critical times, in (Al-Duqah) and in (Qarnayel), where we spent the summer months in the mountains, was His Excellency Mr. Shukri Al-Quwatli, bringing us aid and assistance. He would travel long distances on foot, exposing himself to dangers for the sake of God and the Arab interest. During the two years we spent in Lebanon, we were visited by a number of prominent figures from the Arab world, both secretly and publicly, including Lieutenant General Aziz Ali al-Masri, Muhammad Naseeb Pasha, Rashid Ali al-Gailani, Sheikh Rashid al-Khoury, Sheikh Hamoud, Tawfiq al-Suwaidi, Saadallah al-Jabiri, Faris al-Khoury, Nuri al-Said, some of the leaders of the Iraqi Army, and His Beatitude the Maronite Patriarch Paul al-Maoushi, who was at the time… |
38 | مطــرانا، وسامي الصلح، ورياض الصلح، وعبد الحميد كرامي، وعادل أرسلان، ولهذه المناسبة أذكر أن زائري في (الدوقة) مندوب من قبل الأمير طلال (ولي عهد وبعد استقرارنا في لبنان شرعنا بالاشتراك مع عدد من إخواننا العاملين الذين أقاموا ولم تمض أسابيع قليلة على تجدد الثورة حتى ألهبت فلسطين كلها بنيرانها الملتهبة، (١) جون باغوت غلوب آخر قائد إنكليزي للجيش العربي - الجيش العربي الأردني. أقصي عام ١٩٥٦. | Our bishops, Sami al-Solh, Riad al-Solh, Abdul Hamid Karami, Adel Arslan, Hassan al-Aouini, Omar al-Daouk, Hamdi al-Bachaji, Nabih al-Azmeh, Omar al-Bayhum, the Salam family, Muhammad Talat Harb Pasha, Midhat Pasha Sinan, Rashid Pasha al-Nasir, the Saudi Arabian Minister Plenipotentiary in Syria, Amin al-Rihani, and many notables from Lebanon, Syria, and Egypt, as well as Muslim leaders from India and other Islamic countries. However, our primary work was focused on jihad, and research and conversation with the mujahideen leaders forced us to spend the night awake, not sleeping until after the dawn prayer. On this occasion, I recall that my visitor at the Duchess was a delegate from Prince Talal (Crown Prince of Jordan), carrying a letter from him expressing his desire to personally participate in the revolution against injustice and colonialism. I thanked him profusely for this, and reviewed the final response to his letter before discussing it with the leaders, who met me with admiration and gratitude. The opinion was that bringing Prince Talal into the future was more appropriate and beneficial to the general Arab interest than allowing him to participate in this battle. On this occasion, I also recall that I met Prince Talal in 1951 at Cairo Airport by chance. He was accompanied by an officer from Brigadier General Glubb, ostensibly as his escort, but in reality, he was a watcher. When we met and exchanged greetings, the officer ordered that the plane's departure time be confirmed. When he left, he responded, "They are constantly monitoring us, and I will remain true to my promise, and I will not deviate from the path of loyalty to the nation." After settling in Lebanon, we, along with a number of our fellow workers who had resided in Damascus, began organizing and distributing work to the relevant committees and bodies. All of them worked actively, harmoniously, sincerely, and discreetly, with the work being managed jointly from Beirut and Damascus. Only a few weeks after the revolt erupted, it ignited the flames of its blazing fires across Palestine, its youth. Newspapers and radio stations around the world echoed this unique revolution and its dazzling events with unprecedented care and attention. Hardly a week passed without a major battle, for which the British mobilized thousands of their soldiers to fight the Palestinian guerrillas, who were attacking the camps and disrupting transportation routes and railway lines. (1) John Bagot Glubb, the last British commander of the Arab Legion - the Jordanian Arab Legion. He was dismissed in 1956. |
39 | الحديدية ومحطاتها بسالة نادرة، وشملت هجمات المجاهدين أنابيب شركة بترول في أواخر عام ١٩٣٨ بلغت الثورة أوجها الأعلى وسيطر المجاهدون الفلسطينيون وبلغت جرأة المجاهدين أن دخل بعضهم سراي الحكومة في مدينة جنين واقتحموا وشملت حركة الجهاد أهل القرى والمدن على السواء، رجالاً ونساء، شيباً وشباناً. واستمرت نار الثورة مشتعلة عامين كاملين من تشرين الأول (أكتوبر) عام ١٩٣٧ لقد كان عرب فلسطين الذين يتجاوز عددهم مليون ونصف المليون نسمة وجاء في كتاب الجنرال هنري ميلفلت وسول الذي اشترك في مقاتلة عرب | The railway and its stations displayed rare bravery. The mujahideen's attacks included bombing and burning the British Iraq Petroleum Company's pipelines, extending from Kirkuk to Haifa, and other great acts that forced the British Colonial Secretary to acknowledge their seriousness, their strength, and the courage of the revolutionaries, who, driven by their nationalist ideology, were able to take risks. British newspapers were also forced to acknowledge that "a small handful of defenseless Arabs in Palestine are sufficient to shake the entire world with despair and desperation and to arouse enthusiasm among Arabs from all over the Arab world." In late 1938, the revolution reached its peak, and the Palestinian mujahideen controlled most of Palestine, to the point that the armed British resistance was almost confined to the major cities of Palestine, and most British families were evacuated from Palestine. The Mujahideen's audacity reached such a level that some of them entered the government palace in the city of Jenin, stormed the room of the British Governor (Moffat), and killed him. They then left, disregarding the soldiers, police, and guards deployed inside and outside the palace. The jihad movement included people from villages and cities alike, men and women, young and old. The fire of revolution continued to burn for two full years, from October 1937 to October 1939, that is, until after the declaration of World War II. The Palestinian Mujahideen in particular, and the Palestinian Arab people in general, inscribed in this revolution the most wonderful examples of bravery and sacrifice in the annals of the Arab cause, and indeed in the history of revolutionary movements that arose for the sake of freedom and liberation from the yoke of oppression throughout the world. The Arabs of Palestine, numbering over one and a half million people, were fighting in this revolution against the British Empire and the global Jewish Empire together, using all the resources, equipment, soldiers, plans, money, and military, political, and economic means these two great powers possessed. They were confronting these global powers, who were negligible in numbers, weapons, and money, and in all means of war and combat. Their faith and certainty were what drove them to persevere in pursuit of their higher goal and supreme objective. The book by General Henry Melville and Soule, who participated in the fight against the Arabs of Palestine before assuming command of the British forces in Egypt and then in the Mediterranean region, contains a detailed account of the heroism of the Arabs of Palestine in those bloody battles. He said: |
40 | إن خمسمائة من ثوار عرب فلسطين يعتصمون في الجبال، ويقومون بحرب وقد كان هتلر زعيم ألمانيا النازية معجباً أشد الإعجاب بكفاح عرب فلسطين بالغت السلطات البريطانية في اتخاذ وسائل البطش والإرهاب لقمع الثورة وقد تعاقب على قيادة القوات البريطانية في فلسطين خلال الثورات التي استمرت | Five hundred Palestinian Arab revolutionaries, holed up in the mountains and waging guerrilla warfare, could not be defeated by anything less than a fully armed British division. Hitler, the leader of Nazi Germany, was so impressed by the struggle of the Palestinian Arabs and their weapons that he expressed his admiration to Sayyid Khalid Abu al-Walid al-Qurashi, advisor to the late King Abdulaziz Al Saud, in an official meeting in 1938. Hitler also addressed the Germans in Sudan, who were trying to secede from Czechoslovakia in 1938 and join Germany. His speech read: "The Saudi Arabs! Choose from among the Palestinian Arabs a role model. They are fighting England, the largest empire in the world, and global Jewry, which is beyond compare. They have no supporter or helper. As for you, I will provide you with money and weapons, and all of Germany is behind you." The British authorities exaggerated their use of repressive and intimidating methods to suppress the revolution. They deployed four military divisions in Palestine, equivalent to 50,000 British soldiers, and reinforced them with air and artillery forces. In addition to the original police forces in Palestine, they recruited approximately 10,000 additional Arab and Jewish soldiers, bringing the total number of forces prepared to suppress the revolution to approximately 70,000, excluding the border forces and the Transjordanian force, which was under the command of the British Glubb. They perpetrated such brutality, cruelty, and torture that it is almost unbelievable that a civilian government had been established among the people in the cities and villages. The number of martyrs during the years 1938-1939 may have reached six thousand, in addition to one hundred and fifty who were sentenced to death by hanging by British courts. Many of them were hanged during the month of Ramadan while fasting, such as the martyr Sheikh Farhan al-Saadi, who was 75 years old, and the martyr Khalil Abu Z. The number of wounded reached tens of thousands, and the number of detainees, who were detained for long or short periods, reached about fifty thousand. The authorities razed entire neighborhoods in some major cities, such as Jaffa and Jenin, and in many villages. They destroyed supplies, looted money and property, and killed many of the detainees and prisoners through the most brutal forms of torture, such as red-hot irons, the pulling out of fingernails, confinement in refrigerators, hanging prisoners by their feet with their stomachs filled with water, whipping them until their bodies burst with blood, and other methods of cruelty for which the British were famous. The British forces in Palestine during the revolts that lasted from 1936 to 1939 were commanded by some of Britain's most famous military commanders, including Generals Dale, Wavell, Hanning, |
41 | ويلسون ورزفتي وغيرهم، استقدمت بريطانيا من الهند أحد خبرائها المشهورين في سرت الثورة من فلسطين إلى شرق الأردن حيث قتل عدد من الضباط والجنود وأخيراً تم انعقاد المؤتمر البرلماني في مصر الذي دعت إليه لجنة برلمانية مصرية برئاسة وتبع ذلك عقد المؤتمر النسائي العربي في القاهرة الذي قام نشاط مشكور في سبيل ثم اتخذت تبدو في الحكومة المصرية التي كان يرأسها المغفور له محمد محمود | Wilson, Razefti, and others. Britain brought from India one of its renowned experts in suppressing and resisting revolutions, Sir Tajrat. He began building military fortresses throughout Palestine and sealing the shared borders between Palestine, Lebanon, and Transjordan with barbed wire and mines. However, the mujahideen accomplished a remarkable feat by breaching the fence from its foundations, removing this obstacle to their communication with their mujahideen brothers in Syria and Lebanon. The revolution spread from Palestine to Transjordan, where a number of British officers and soldiers were killed in battles between Irbid and Ajloun. A number of Jordanians, Syrians, Lebanese, and Egyptians volunteered and joined the jihad movement alongside their Palestinian brothers. Egypt showed great sympathy for the Palestinian revolutionary movement, evident in its newspapers, in meetings held in associations and clubs, and in a memorandum signed by 170 members of the Egyptian parliament from various parties, denouncing British injustice against the people of Palestine. Finally, the parliamentary conference was held in Egypt. It was convened by an Egyptian parliamentary committee headed by the late Professor Muhammad Ali Allouba Pasha, and attended by representatives of the following Arab and Islamic countries: Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, Morocco, Yemen, Palestine, Muslims of Yugoslavia, and Arab immigrants in America. The conference resolved to support the Palestine National Charter, reject the mandate and the Jewish national homeland, condemn the partition of Palestine, and denounce the oppression Britain was inflicting on the Arab people of Palestine to force them into submission. It also decided to revitalize this struggling people. The conference also decided to send a delegation to London to inform the British of its decisions. The delegation was headed by Professor Muhammad Ali Allouba, and included Messrs. Shukri Khaliluzzaman and Abdul Rahman Siddiqui, two of the most prominent Muslim men in India. This was followed by the convening of the Arab Women's Conference in Cairo, which carried out commendable work for Palestine. It condemned British injustices and the Palestinian heroism facilitated by Britain in Palestine, and declared its support and renewal of the struggle of the Palestinian Arab people. Then the Egyptian government, headed by the late Muhammad Mahmud Pasha, took a keen interest in the Palestinian cause, and announced this in the Egyptian Parliament. It also made several contacts with the British government and Arab governments regarding the issue. |
42 | كان اليهود في فلسطين، جاهدين في حبك الدسائس، وإثارة الفتن بين العرب، ولم يكن مستغرباً من اليهود في فلسطين أن يقوموا بمثل هذه الفتن وأن يعيثوا في زارني سراً، وفي ساعة مبكرة من أحد الأيام، ضابط فلسطيني كان يعمل في | The Jews in Palestine were striving to weave intrigues and stir up discord among the Arabs. They had a special department within the Jewish Agency, which allocated huge sums to spend on this endeavor. At the forefront of their plans was the incitement of sectarian strife between Muslims and Christians in Palestine. Their efforts became widely apparent during the revolution. They used some mercenaries to distribute leaflets and incite discord on all occasions. They even pushed some of their mercenaries to kill engineer Michel Mitri, head of the Workers' Association, with the intent of inciting sectarian discord. However, Arab awareness in Palestine prevented them from achieving their goal, as some Muslim national jihadists meted out the most severe punishment to the aggressors, thus nipping the bud in the bud. It was not surprising that the Jews in Palestine would instigate such discord and spread corruption throughout the land. This is their way, their nature, and what serves their interests. But what we did not expect was... The British wanted to form Muslim gangs to attack Christians and exploit this spilled blood to turn the purely national revolution into internal strife that would distort the beauty of the jihad movement and spread chaos and devastation throughout the country. This is what happened. A Palestinian officer who worked for British intelligence in Jaffa secretly visited me early one day. He was trusted by his British superiors. After he kept his name secret from everyone, he told me that he had secretly come to Beirut under the pretext of receiving medical treatment at the American University Hospital. He then slipped out of the hospital to reveal to me a dangerous British plan to crush the revolution, distort it, and turn it into a blind sectarian strife. The details of the story were that the British hired a number of criminals, some of whom they had released from prison and placed under the command of major criminals. They allocated monthly salaries and weapons to them, turning them into armed gangs, and tasked them with attacking Christian villages, killing their inhabitants, and plundering their money. My interlocutor added: He personally ordered British intelligence to arm one of these gangs. It consisted of twenty people, led by a man called "Abu Nujaym." Each member carried a paper in English indicating that he was working with the British, so the British army would not harm him if they encountered him. He also said that several gangs had been formed in the Ramallah mountains to attack Christian villages such as Taybeh, Birzeit, Jifna, and others. He said that the largest of these gangs had been formed of one hundred armed men in the Jerusalem and Bethlehem area, led by a notorious criminal who had been sentenced to life imprisonment. The British released him after agreeing with him on a plan |
43 | العمل زاعمين أنه فر من السجن، ووكّلوا إليه وإلى عصابته مهمة مهاجمة المسيحيين ورغم كل ما عهدته في السياسة البريطانية من قسوة ومكر، سبق فقد هزني هذا لكن هذه الحركة البارعة الموفقة كلفته ثمناً غالياً إذ لم يلبث الإنكليز أن هاجموه أوردت هذه الحادثة كدليل على دسائس المستعمرين الشريرة ووسائلهم الحقيرة التي ولنرجع إلى الثورة وأثرها في قضية فلسطين: لم يلبث أن ظهر الأثر البالغ للثورة (١) الخضر قرية جبلية صغيرة من قضاء بيت لحم دارت فيها معركة من أعنف معارك جيش الجهاد المقدس | They claimed that he had escaped from prison, and they assigned him and his gang the task of attacking Christians in Jerusalem, Ra'is Lahm, Beit Jala, and other places. These gangs actually embarked on the mission the British had entrusted their men with: a mission of aggression, slaughter, plunder, and looting... Despite all the cruelty and deceit I had known of British policy, I was previously shaken by this news, and I was convinced of its validity from the preliminaries of this diabolical plan and its evidence that reached us from Palestine. The leadership of the revolution quickly took the necessary measures to combat these criminal gangs and extinguish the fire of sedition that British intelligence had begun to ignite. The martyr Abdul Qader al-Husseini was still wounded and receiving treatment in Lebanon for the wound he had sustained in the Battle of al-Khader, in which his fellow commander, Sa'id al-'As, was martyred. Despite this, he took upon himself the task of eliminating these gangs and headed to Palestine at the head of a large force of mujahideen. He first attacked the criminal gangs in northern Jerusalem and dispersed them. He then headed south to eliminate the gangs of sedition and returned the loot and plunder that the gangs had plundered from Bethlehem to their owners. A national military court was set up to try the criminals who sold themselves to the devil of colonialism. However, this brilliant and successful move cost him a heavy price, as the British soon attacked him with a large force of infantry, artillery, and aircraft in the village of Beit Nattif in Na'im. He and the other mujahideen with him resisted them with remarkable steadfastness until he sustained serious wounds that nearly cost him his life. The mujahideen transported him to Damascus, where he remained for a long time receiving treatment. His cousin, the engineer Ali al-Husseini, and other elite mujahideen were martyred in that battle. I cite this incident as evidence of the evil plots of the colonialists and the despicable methods they employ to achieve their goals, and to warn the Arab nation against the dangerous seditions and conspiracies that foreign intelligence agencies do not hesitate to pursue to achieve their goals. Let us return to the revolution and its impact on the Palestinian issue. The revolution's profound impact on the British government soon became apparent. Some British and even Jewish newspapers and circles viewed the partition plan as difficult to implement. Britain then dispatched a "technical committee" to Palestine. (1) Al-Khader is a small mountainous village in the Bethlehem district. One of the fiercest battles between the Holy Jihad Army and the British took place there on October 4, 1937. The martyrdom of the mujahid leader Sa'id al-'As, one of the leaders of the Great Syrian Revolution and the Great Palestine Revolution of 1936-1939, took place there. |
44 | لدراسة مشروع التقسيم دراسة عملية، ووصلت اللجنة في صيف عام ١٩٣٨، فتقدم وأذاعت اللجنة العربية العليا بياناً أعلنت فيه عدم موافقة العرب على أي حل لا وبعد أن طافت اللجنة بفلسطين وشرق الأردن عادت إلى لندن وقدَّمت تقريرها وهكذا نجحت الثورة في القضاء على مشروع التقسيم وأدنت العرب من تحقيق ثم تمت اتصالات بين الحكومة البريطانية والحكومات العربية (سوريا والمملكة وهكذا تألف الوفد وسافر إلى لندن، وعقد المؤتمر في أوائل عام ١٩٣٩ لكنه فشل (١) حزب الدفاع: رئيسه راغب النشاشيبي، وهو حزب المعارضة الفلسطينية. | to study the partition plan in a practical way, the committee arrived in the summer of 1938. The Jews submitted their testimonies, but the Arabs boycotted it. The Arab Higher Committee issued a statement announcing the Arabs' rejection of any solution that did not conform to their national aspirations. Egypt, Syria, and Iraq supported the Arab Higher Committee's position. After the committee toured Palestine and Transjordan, it returned to London and submitted its report, which included several partition studies. As a result, the British government issued a statement referring to the committee's report and stating that it was therefore forced to abandon the partition plan for Palestine. It also stated that it would call for a conference in London, attended by Arab governments and representatives of Arabs and Jews, to reach an appropriate solution to the Palestine issue. Thus, the revolution succeeded in eliminating the partition plan and brought the Arabs closer to realizing their hopes. The Colonial Secretary delivered a statement in the British House of Commons in which he discussed the report of the Technical Committee. He was forced to acknowledge the importance of the Arab revolution in Palestine and that it was based on sound national foundations with justifiable reasons. Then contacts took place between the British government and the Arab governments (Syria, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Yemen, and Transjordan). The British government tried to ignore the Arab Higher Committee and impose Palestinian representatives. It insisted, in particular, that I not personally attend the conference. However, the Palestinians set several conditions for accepting participation in the conference, the most important of which were not to sit with the Jews, the release of the detainees in the Seychelles, and Britain not interfering in the Palestinians' freedom to choose their representatives. This forced the government to back down in the wake of the strong position taken by the Palestinians and to leave the Arab Higher Committee free to choose Palestine's representatives. Other Palestinian members (representing the Defense Party) were added to these, based on the desire and consultation of some Arab governments, out of a desire to unify ranks and unify the word. As for me, personally, I was not willing to travel to London to participate in the conference, and I did not want to make my personal case a rock against which the negotiations, on which some had pinned great hopes, would be shattered. Thus, the delegation was formed and traveled to London. The conference was held in early 1939, but it failed. Due to the intransigence of the British on the one hand, and the intervention of the United States government on the other hand, (1) The Defense Party: Its leader was Raghib al-Nashashibi, the Palestinian opposition party. |
45 | اليهود من جهة أخرى، وقررت الحكومة البريطانية، بعد محاولات اتصلت خلالها وعلى أثر صدور الكتاب الابيض اذاعت اللجنة العربية العليا بياناً انتقدت فيه وظلت الثورة مستمرة بعد صدور الكتاب الابيض بضعة أشهر وأعلنت اللجنة وخلال ذلك، وفي صيف عام ١٩٣٩ اشتدت الأزمة الدولية في أوروبا وتقاربت ولما نشبت الحرب العالمية الاخيرة في أواخر سبتمبر ١٩٣٩ ازداد الضغط | the Jews, on the other hand, decided, after attempts during which the Colonial Office contacted the Egyptian government to consult with the Arab delegations that had returned from London without reaching a decisive outcome, to enact a new policy for Palestine, which was included in a White Paper issued on May 17, 1939. The essence of this policy was to form an independent Palestinian government within ten years, provided that both Arabs and Jews agreed to its formation. This government would be bound by a treaty of friendship with the British government, and a legislative council would be formed if circumstances permitted. A transitional period would be set during which the people of Palestine would be given an increasing share in the governance of their country. Seventy-five thousand Jewish immigrants would be permitted to enter Palestine "for the last time" within five years, after which no further immigration would be permitted without the consent of the Arabs of Palestine. The land problem would be addressed by issuing legislation that would prevent the transfer of land to Jews or permit it, depending on the circumstances of the various regions of Palestine. Following the issuance of the White Paper, the Arab Higher Committee issued a statement criticizing the policy and the principles it included. Moreover, the Arab governments participating in the conference did not agree to this policy, and the Jewish Agency issued a statement rejecting it because it claimed that its policy was contrary to natural human rights in Palestine (the eternal endowment of the Jewish people). The revolution continued for several months after the White Paper was issued, and the Central Committee for Jihad and the leaders of the revolution declared their determination to continue the jihad until the British government reversed its deviant policy and acknowledged Arab rights. Meanwhile, in the summer of 1939, the international crisis in Europe intensified, and British and French policies to resist Nazi Germany converged. Britain seized the opportunity to pressure the French authorities in Syria and Lebanon to increase pressure on the Palestinians, including the mujahideen and those working in political and other affairs. They began to pursue them, intensify their surveillance, and confiscate their weapons. They then arrested a number of them in Damascus, most notably committee member Professor Muhammad Izzat Darwaza, and imprisoned them after a military trial. The British consulates in Damascus and Beirut played a prominent role in this latest tragedy. When the last world war broke out in late September 1939, British pressure on France to pursue the Palestinians and crush the Palestinian revolution, which had greatly disturbed Britain, increased. Britain urged its ally, France, to |
46 | تسلمني إليها لاعتقالي في إحدى الجزر النائية، وأعدّت السلطة الفرنسية معتقلاً في اشتدت المراقبة علينا بنشوب الحرب العالمية الثانية، وكانت مراقبة مشتركة ظاهرها وقد علمتنا التجارب المريرة الماضية كثيراً من دهاء الإنكليز ومكر اليهود السيء، ولقد عرفت بعض هؤلاء كالبرنس أوتو المطالب بعرش النمسا الذي زار مصر عام | they handed me over to them for detention on a remote island. The French authorities set up a detention center in the Tadmur Castle in the Syrian desert for mujahideen leaders, arresting a number of them there. They also set up another detention center in the city of Bikfaya in Lebanon for Palestinian politicians. They tightened military security around me at my residence in Dhaouq, and began to seize the opportunity to fulfill the British demand to hand me over to them. Surveillance of us intensified with the outbreak of World War II. It was a joint surveillance operation, apparently French but actually British. British intelligence in Lebanon was extremely active in monitoring us and investigating our news, employing many employees of the French Mandate government in Lebanon, including a number of senior public security officials. They surrounded us with spies and spies on all sides, and they exploited many of those around us to monitor us, including the owners of nearby shops, street vendors, and even shepherds. Bitter past experiences have taught us much about the cunning of the British and the deceit of the Jews. The bad, and the danger of the intelligence services (British Intelligence), which is in reality a great secret state operating in secret, according to a system and devised plans, spending large sums of money, and employing thousands of employees chosen from among its elite men and its most intelligent workers, who are dedicated to serving the British Empire. In addition, it employs a large number of people with personal ambitions, those seeking positions, those seeking enrichment who love money with an intense passion, and adventurers, the greedy, the ambitious, and the ambitious, both young and old, men and women, including princes, ministers, ambassadors, and leaders. I knew some of these people, such as Prince Otto, the pretender to the Austrian throne, who visited Egypt in 1947 and was a guest of the former Princess Shwikar. He then tried to contact me to persuade me to reach an understanding with the Jews. When I learned his intentions, I apologized to the mediators for not meeting him. I also knew a minister plenipotentiary to a European country who worked for British intelligence in one of the European capitals. When that country discovered his secret, his government declared him persona non grata and demanded his withdrawal from the country. British intelligence employs a number of lowly people and those with menial professions. Among them, I knew a charlatan who predicted fortunes; another who was a shoe shiner who stood at the gate of the Al-Aqsa Mosque; a third who begged at the gate of the Al-Aqsa Mosque, gathering news and asking for alms; a fourth who was blind and stationed inside the Al-Aqsa Mosque, spying on teachers and preachers, relaying their conversations to his superiors; and women who entered |
47 | البيوت شاكيات كثرة العيال وقلة المال، وغير ذلك مما لا يتسع له المجال. ويتستر رجال المخابرات بالتجارة أو الصحافة، أو السياحة، ويتظاهر بعضهم بالقيام ولقد كانت المخابرات البريطانية تتعاون مع المخابرات اليهودية، على العرب، وقد فعلى الأمة العربية ان تعرف أن المخابرات من أخطر الدوائر التى يعتمد عليها وفي الفترة الاخيرة من أيام إقامتنا بلبنان شددوا المراقبة علينا، وبثوا العيون والارصاد | households complain of having too many children, too little money, and other matters beyond the scope of this article. Intelligence officers hide behind trade, journalism, or tourism. Some of them pretend to undertake purely urban, cultural, and scientific projects, and some pretend to embrace Islam to deceive people. I knew many of these, such as Jamal al-Din Dunn, the Englishman, who pretended to embrace Islam and lived in the Al-Azhar neighborhood for many years. He visited me at my home in 1952 and informed me that among those who were guided by him and embraced Islam through him were Shams al-Din Marsak, Nur al-Din Marsak, and others. It is unfortunate that such deceptions have often deceived Arabs and Muslims. British intelligence was cooperating with Jewish intelligence against the Arabs. In the summer of 1938, while we were on vacation in the mountains, we discovered a plot to blow up our house in Dhok. We were forced to double our security. Before that, in Jerusalem, a Jewish plot to assassinate me inside Al-Aqsa Mosque was foiled by some Circassian men residing in one of the villages of Palestine. When we discovered and foiled the plot, and the Circassian villagers learned of the matter, they arrested the conspirators and eliminated them. We discovered numerous assassination or bombing plots, which will be mentioned in their appropriate places in the memoirs. The Arab nation must know that intelligence is one of the most dangerous agencies relied upon by colonialism in general, and British colonialism in particular. It is the guide of the colonial movement, the eye by whose light it is guided, and the hand that directs the fifth column, including spies, propagandists, alarmists, and saboteurs. During the final days of our stay in Lebanon, they tightened their surveillance on us, and deployed spies and watchdogs around us. They feared that we might escape their grasp. The General Security forces often surprised us at night from time to time, following a tip-off from the British. This happened at our summer resort in Qornayel in September 1939. At two o'clock after midnight, armed forces from the General Security raided us, surrounding the house. However, our private guard, composed of a number of valiant Palestinian fighters, reinforced by another guard from the valiant Qornayel men who had set up a strong armed guard around us during the summer months, in accordance with the honorable Arab tradition of protecting and defending the guest of the home, joined forces to prevent them from entering the house, despite their commander's assurances that he wanted to meet me. A battle almost broke out between the two groups, and I was awakened by |
48 | إصرارهم الغالية، فسمحت لقائدهم بالدخول، فلما رآني وسألته عما يريد أجاب بأن وقع هذا الحادث بعد أيام من نشب الحرب، واشتداد الرقابة علينا، وقد أخذ وقد اضطررنا لضغط الاستخبارات البريطانية، وملاحقتها الشديدة، لأن أن نقوم بدفاع في لبنان: وقد رسمنا خطة العمل لإنقاذ أعضاء اللجنة، وغيرهم، من العاملين السياسيين، ومن وقد حدثت حادثتان ظرفان خلال فترة الاستعداد للخروج من لبنان أولهما أنني | Their insistence was overwhelming, so I allowed their commander to enter. When he saw me and asked him what he wanted, he replied that his mission was to verify my presence, because news had reached the government that I had left Lebanon. His superiors had sent him to investigate, and he then withdrew, apologizing. This incident occurred days after the war broke out and surveillance of us had intensified. The British had begun urging their French allies to hand me over to the island of Leyton-en-Laye (Mauritius) in the Indian Ocean. This had only increased my resolve to leave Lebanon. However, the mission was difficult, and it was necessary to adopt the necessary means to ensure my survival without being noticed by the controlling enemies. We were forced to endure pressure from British intelligence and pursue it fiercely, because we were forced to engage in both defense and resistance. We therefore established a special department to combat espionage and allocated the necessary funds to it. We benefited greatly from this and achieved significant results. We were able to obtain accurate information about what was taking place between the British authorities in London, the British Mandate authorities in Palestine, and the French authorities in Lebanon regarding the measures decided to be taken to arrest the members of the Arab Higher Committee, and the Palestinian leaders who were tempted by the revolution in the village of Bkifa (Lebanon), and the mujahideen leaders and their officers in Qalmar (Syria) until the end of the war. In Lebanon: We drew up a plan of action to rescue the committee members and other political activists and mujahideen leaders who had been arrested. We had obtained all of their names and worked to smuggle them out of Lebanon to neighboring countries such as Saudi Arabia, Iraq, and Turkey. We succeeded in our plan without arousing the attention of our enemies. Two important incidents occurred during the period of preparation for our departure from Lebanon. The first was that I had decided to leave Lebanon on October 4, 1939, after having made all the necessary preparations. However, His Excellency Mr. Sami al-Solh, who was then President of the Supreme Court of Appeal, surprised me with an invitation to dinner at his summer residence in Souf on October 3. Upon my arrival, I found that he had also invited the Director of French Army Intelligence, Monsieur Berzin. While we were talking at the table, Mr. Sami turned the conversation to Monsieur Berzin and began to discuss the French authorities' behavior toward me and their discussion of Lebanese affairs and the violation of their dignity. Then he addressed me, saying: |
49 | تأسف لأننا لم نستطع أن نقوم في لبنان بما يجب علينا نحوه من العناية، وأرى من وفي تلك الليلة اضطرت لتبديل خطة السفر وتأجيلها أسبوعاً آخر، أي إلى مساء أما الحادث الآخر: فقد كان المرحوم السيد فؤاد حمزة وكيل خارجية المملكة في الساعة السابعة من مساء ١٣ تشرين الأول ١٩٣٩، وبعد عامين كاملين من كان لبنان في ذلك الوقت مركزاً لجيش الشرق الفرنسي الذي عين لقيادته | He regretted that we were unable to take care of her in Lebanon, and I deem it necessary that she travel immediately to Egypt or Iraq, where they can do so! He said this in a pleasant tone and with a friendly voice, without him having any knowledge that I intended to travel in two days. This conversation caused me great embarrassment, as it could slow down my plans completely and alert the French intelligence officers. But I answered him as I always did, and Monsieur Berzin, for his part, defended his government, attempting to excuse it due to the circumstances of the raging war. That night, I was forced to change my travel plan and postpone it for another week, until the evening of October 13. As for the other incident: The late Mr. Fouad Hamza, the Foreign Minister of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, invited me on October 7 to a meeting at his home in Ras Beirut with a number of invitees, including Mr. Hussein al-Uwaini and Monsieur Balliu, the French Minister Plenipotentiary to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (who had previously been the French Consul in Jerusalem). I had a previous acquaintance with him, which I recalled in the Sezonnier in (Dhawq). I thought it appropriate to conceal my travel and invite them to meet with me on the ninth of the month. They agreed to accept my invitation. However, Monsieur Balliu had an important mission in Damascus, and he informed me, through Mr. Fouad Hamza, that the invitation had been transferred to October 15. I was unable to say that I was traveling on the 13th. When he received the news of my travel to Damascus, he said, "That's impossible, as I am invited to his house the day after tomorrow..." At seven o'clock in the evening of October 13, 1939, after two full years of residence in Lebanon, I left Beirut for Baghdad. From the west, my departure from Beirut took place on the same day and hour that I left Jerusalem, October 13, two full years earlier. I hadn't chosen the exact day and hour to leave Beirut, but rather coincidence and circumstances. I was optimistic about this coincidence and prayed to God Almighty to make my path to salvation easy this time, as He had done the first time. At that time, Lebanon was the center of the French Eastern Army, which General Finjan had been appointed to command. Beirut was the center of this command, and not a day passed without columns of soldiers, artillery, armored vehicles, tanks, and other war machines passing by our house. The roads between Lebanon and Syria were teeming with Jews and mercenaries, as well as policemen, |
50 | وضباط البوليس، والعيون والأرصاد يحصون على الناس أنفاسهم ويرقبون حركاتهم كان منزلي في الذوق من ناحيته الخلفية تعلوه أشجار باسقة ومتصلاً بالمنازل وكان سائق سيارتنا يتخطى الأماكن المأهولة والطرق المألوفة وبعد نحو ساعة كان سائق سيارتنا ينأى بها عن معالم الطرق التي تسلكها السيارات عادة بين | Police officers, spies, and observers were counting people's breaths and monitoring their movements and stillness. We had succeeded in transporting most of our brothers' mujahideen and workers to Baghdad. Some of those arrested by the French in Palmyra were able to escape from prison, risking their lives in the desert. They arrived in Iraq in a state of extreme exhaustion and fatigue. My house in Al-Dhuq was surrounded by tall trees on the back side and connected to the neighboring houses inhabited by our brothers. Some of our loyal comrades and some of our guards were keeping the French authorities' guards busy, serving them dinner. Night had fallen when I walked with a friend for a distance from home. Then we crossed the entire neighborhood, taking two mountain climbs (to where one of our loyal brothers was waiting for us with a car, which we boarded). We were able to pass some police stations and bypass others between Zouk and Beirut. Between these stations and Damascus, a distance of 135 kilometers, other comrades were waiting for us in a specially prepared car, with a guide experienced in desert crossings. When we crossed the Tora Bridge, leaving Damascus, the police station men opened fire on our car because we disobeyed their signal to stop. But thank God, none of us was hurt... Our driver was passing through populated areas and familiar roads. After about an hour, our car was passing the last stages of civilization, heading eastward into the desert. About a thousand kilometers to Baghdad. Our driver was driving away from the usual routes between Damascus and Baghdad. There was no paved road, and the French authorities had set up, apart from the border posts, an armored vehicle force patrolling the desert to prevent infiltration, smuggling, and the like. The driver said he knew that section of the road well and advised the guide to get some sleep so he could guide him later on in the other section. Everything was going well when the driver saw distant lights that he said were emanating from the encampments of some Bedouin tribes he knew. No sooner had the car turned toward them than we found ourselves in the middle of the desert force's encampments, surrounded by dozens of armed soldiers. Their commander, an Arab from Deir ez-Zor, began asking us dozens of questions. We pretended to be sheep traders and claimed we were going to Palmyra, but he wasn't convinced by our statements. We spent the rest of that night (it was the first night of Ramadan in the year 1356) trying to It was in vain to persuade the man to release us, and when he insisted on sending an armed force to accompany us to Palmyra so that the authorities could look into our matter, I saw myself |
51 | مضطراً للمجازفة فانتحيت بالرجل جانباً، وعرفته بنفسي وذكرت له الأسباب التي ومن غرائب المصادفات في هذه الرحلة أن صاحب السيارة التي حملتنا من دمشق كما أن قائد جند الصحراء الذي لم يستطع المال اغراءه، ولكن المروءة والشهامة ولما تنسمنا الحرية مع نسيم صباح أول رمضان المبارك أطلق السائق العنان للسيارة عوى الذئبُ فاستأنستُ بالذئبِ إذْ عوى في العراق: وصلت بغداد يوم ١٥ تشرين الأول ١٩٣٩ فنزلت في بيت أحد الأصدقاء دون وفي ضحوة اليوم التالي ذهبت مع بعض الأصدقاء إلى البلاط الملكي وكان سيادة | forced to take the risk, I took the man aside, introduced myself, and explained to him the reasons that compelled me to travel secretly and in disguise from Syria and Lebanon, which were under French rule, to Iraq. The man was astonished and fell into his hands. He was a noble and generous Arab. After hesitation and confusion, he facilitated our travel and released us, thankfully. He had put himself and his job in danger for the cause we were working for. One of the strange coincidences of this journey was that the owner of the car that carried us from Damascus to the desert was a noble and generous man who had dedicated himself and his private car to the service of the cause, from the outbreak of the Palestinian Revolution to its conclusion, without any compensation. He was the late hero, Mr. Mahmoud al-Tabbal, from the city of Deir ez-Zor. The leader of the Desert Soldiers, who was not tempted by money, but rather by chivalry and gallantry, was also from Deir ez-Zor. What a strange coincidence this is, and what a wonderful town this is (Deir ez-Zor). As we breathed freedom in the morning breeze of the first blessed Ramadan, the driver set the car free, roaming the desert, avoiding the Bedouin encampments. We had no companion but the birds of the sky and the wilderness, repeating the saying: The wolf howled, and I was comforted by the wolf's howling. In Iraq: I arrived in Baghdad on October 15, 1939, and stayed at a friend's house without the Iraqi government knowing of my arrival. I was in dire need of rest and sleep, which I had been deprived of for several nights. During that time, the late brother Amin al-Tamimi, who had preceded us to Baghdad, had met with some Iraqi government officials and army commanders and tested their senses regarding my arrival in Iraq and their stance toward the British. He was reassured by this. The next morning, I went with some friends to the royal court. His Excellency Rashid Ali al-Gaylani was the head of the court. He welcomed us with great hospitality. A few minutes later, we met His Highness the Regent, Prince Abdul-Ilah, who welcomed us and informed the Prime Minister, Mr. Nuri al-Said, of our arrival. Nuri al-Said then received us at the Prime Minister's residence. He began by asking me about the route I had taken to reach Baghdad without the government knowing, and how the French had helped me |
52 | على الخروج من لبنان إلى العراق فاكدت له أن الفرنسيين لا يعرفون شيئاً عن رحلتي وكان قد سبقني بالوصول إلى بغداد نحو مائتين من قواد الثورة وكبار العاملين لكن الإنكليز ساورهم قلق شديد من وصولي وإخواني المجاهدين إلى العراق، وكان في وزارة الداخلية العراقية مستشار بريطاني واسع النفوذ هو مستر وقبل ذلك اختطف الإنكليز في العراق الزعيم العراقي المشهور السيد طالب باشا | on leaving Lebanon for Iraq, I assured him that the French knew nothing about my trip. If they had known, they would have prevented my departure. Despite Nuri Pasha's warm welcome and hospitality, signs of anxiety appeared on his face at my arrival. Invitations poured in from His Highness the Regent, the Prime Minister, and the ministers. They honored our arrival and showered us with kindness and generosity. Nearly two hundred of the revolution's leaders and senior Palestinian mujahideen had preceded me in arriving in Baghdad. They were warmly received by their Iraqi brothers and the Iraqi authorities, who facilitated their stay with their families and ensured their basic living expenses. Iraq was burning with zeal and enthusiasm for the Palestinian cause, and with compassion for its people and mujahideen. We decided that the Palestinians, during their stay in Iraq, should not interfere in party affairs or local politics, and should not cause any embarrassment or inconvenience to the Iraqi authorities. This was in accordance with the plan we adhered to in every Arab country we visited. My brothers and I even apologized for not responding to the generous invitations extended to us by organizations, associations, and prominent figures in Basra, Mosul, and other major Iraqi cities. But the British were deeply concerned about my and my fellow mujahideen's arrival in Iraq. There was a highly influential British advisor in the Iraqi Ministry of the Interior, Mr. Edmonds. The late Major General Amin Pasha al-Omari, who was the commander of the First Division at the time, informed me that Edmonds was hatching a secret plan to abduct me suddenly with a force of soldiers and then detain me outside Iraq. I wasn't surprised by the news, as the British had a history of such actions. They had kidnapped the late Yassin Pasha al-Hashimi when he was head of the Military Shura Council in Damascus in 1920, during the first Arab government of Syria under King Faisal I. They took him to the British army camps in Sarafand (in Palestine) and detained him for a period of time. Before this, the British had kidnapped the famous Iraqi leader in Iraq, Mr. Talib Pasha al-Naqeeb, who was the Minister of the Interior. The British High Commissioner had invited him for tea |
53 | في داره فلبى الدعوة وفيما هو خارج من الدار أحاط به الجنود البريطانيون المسلحون ومنذ تلك الليلة صارت ((دورية)) قوية من الجيش العراقي تجوب شارع الزهاوي ومن ناحية ثانية فقد حدثت مؤامرة أخرى يهودية - بريطانية من قبل عصابة (عندما وقعت الحرب، عرض زعيم الأرجون الهدنة على سلطات الانتداب البريطاني وانتهزنا فرصة إقامتنا بالعراق ورجونا سلطات الجيش العراقي أن تدرب المجاهدين وكان أهل العراق، كسائر العرب، معجبين بانتصارات الالمان المتوالية على بريطانيا | At his home, he accepted the invitation. As he was leaving, armed British soldiers surrounded him and led him to an armored military vehicle waiting outside. From there, they took him to Basra, where a British warship carried him to India. There, they detained him for a long time. I saw Major General Amin al-Amri speaking to his late colleague, Colonel Salah al-Din al-Sabbagh, commander of the Second Division, about this, drawing his attention to the humiliation and bad reputation that would befall Iraq if Edmonds were able to carry out his plan. From that night, a strong Iraqi army patrol patrolled al-Zuhawi Street, where my house was located, and stationed itself at its entrances to prevent the British advisor from carrying out his plot. On the other hand, another Jewish-British conspiracy occurred by the terrorist gang (Irgun Zvai Leumi) in cooperation with the British authorities. This conspiracy was mentioned in a book entitled: (A Second Munich?) written by British MP Richard Crossman (known for his pro-Jewish bias) and a member of the Anglo-American Commission of Inquiry, and MP Michael Foot, also British. The book's literal translation on page 20 reads: (When the war broke out, the Irgun leader offered a truce to the British Mandate authorities. They accepted it and it lasted until the Struma incident in 1942. The Irgun leader and some members were released from prison and served on special missions. In May 1941, during the Iraqi revolution, a team of Irgun volunteers, including leader Raziel, flew to Habbaniyah, the British-controlled airport near Baghdad. Their mission was to infiltrate Baghdad disguised in Arab clothing, blow up oil installations, and kidnap the Mufti. Raziel was killed during these operations and buried with military honors in the British military cemetery in Habbaniyah.) We took advantage of our stay in Iraq and asked the Iraqi army authorities to provide military training to the Palestinian mujahideen. They complied and began training them with commendable care. They also accepted a number of young men into the reserve officers' course at the Iraqi Military College, where they received comprehensive military training. The people of Iraq, like all Arabs, admired the successive German victories over Britain and France, and hoped for their resounding victory over the Allies, who had cynically exploited the Arab nation in World War I and then broken the promises they had made to the Arabs in the Treaty of |
54 | ١٩٤٦ باستقلال الأقطار العربية، وقسموا الوطن العربي فيما بينهم ومنحوا اليهود لا أود الاسهاب في سرد ما وقع في العراق من حوادث، لذلك أقتصر على ذكر كان الجيش العراقي على باب معركة دموية داخلية عندما استقالت وزارة نوري | 1946: With the independence of the Arab countries, they divided the Arab homeland among themselves and granted Palestine to the Jews. Iraq was deeply resentful of Britain and its allies, wishing victory for their enemies, in accordance with the revolutionary principle "your enemy's enemy is your friend." Furthermore, the Germans, throughout their history, had never attacked or marched against the Arabs. They listened with their ears and hearts to Radio Berlin, which offered the best wishes for the Arabs, but at the same time, it mocked the Iraqi government. Its president, Nuri Pasha al-Said, rushed to sever political ties with Germany without justification as soon as the Allies declared war on Germany on September 4, 1939. Furthermore, he ordered the arrest of German nationals residing in Iraq and handed them over to the British authorities, who interned them in India until the end of the war. Radio Berlin continually repeated the complaints, demonstrating that Iraq did not enjoy true independence. The Iraqis, especially their nationalist and educated elements, led by the Iraqi army commanders, were deeply affected by the recounting of these painful facts. They spoke of blaming Nuri al-Said's government, believing that it was in Iraq's and the Arabs' best interests not to surrender to the British and to turn them over to them. From exploiting them in this Second World War, just as they had exploited them in the previous war, then betraying them, and that the ideal plan was to adhere to the limits of the Iraqi treaty concluded in 1930, which stipulated that Britain was not to mobilize its army in Iraq, nor to make it a battlefield, nor to oblige Iraq to enter the war on its side or sever relations with its enemies. Meanwhile, Nuri al-Said and his companions held the opposite view, and insisted on entering the war on the British side, and openly agreed to everything they demanded. I do not wish to elaborate on the events that took place in Iraq, so I will limit myself to mentioning some incidents I witnessed myself or contributed to, including the following: The Iraqi army was on the verge of a bloody internal battle when the government of Nuri Pasha al-Said resigned in February 1941. The candidate to form the government was Rashid Ali al-Gaylani, the head of the Royal Court. On this occasion, a fierce dispute arose between two factions of army leaders. One faction favored the inclusion of Nuri Pasha al-Said and Taha Pasha al-Hashimi in the government, while the other opposed this. The dispute between them intensified to the point where each faction was engaged in a standoff, with one faction aiming its weapon at the Rashid camp in Rusafa and the other at the Washash camp in Karkh. |
55 | كان ذلك ليلة ١٨ فبراير، ثم أسفر الصراع عن اقالة كل من الفريق حسين فوزي وفي مساء ذلك اليوم زرت أنا والمرحوم أمين بك التميمي (١) نوري السعيد في بيته، ثم عتب علينا نوري باشا لأننا لم نتقدم لحسم الخلاف بين إخواننا رجال العراق، وعلى أثر ذلك زرنا رؤساء الوزارات السابقين زعماء الأحزاب وحدثناهم في شأن وعلى أثر ذلك صفا الجو في العراق مدة من الزمن واطلق سراح الوزيرين السابقين (١) أمين عادل التميمي: ١٩٤٤ - ١٨٩٢ من مواليد نابلس وأحد قادة الحركة الوطنية الفلسطينية. توفي | That was on the night of February 18. The conflict then resulted in the dismissal of both Lieutenant General Hussein Fawzi Pasha, Chief of Staff of the Army, and Major General Amin Pasha al-Amri, Commander of the First Division. As a result, Rashid Ali al-Gaylani refused to form the government, and it was reconstituted by Nuri al-Said. I was deeply concerned by this incident, and on the morning of February 19, we went to the royal court. We found a large number of Iraqi leaders and ministers discussing the incident with Rashid Ali. That evening, the late Amin Bey al-Tamimi and I visited Nuri al-Said at his home. He explained the details of the incident to us. When we asked him about the reason for his ministry's resignation, he said that the British were advising us not to prolong the ministry's term for more than a year, because many of the elements whose desires and demands the ministry was not fulfilling were hostile to it and were mobilizing against it. Therefore, we should make way for another ministry on which they had pinned their hopes... and so on. Nuri Pasha then criticized us for not coming forward to resolve the dispute between our Iraqi brothers. When I replied that our plan was not to interfere in local and party affairs, he said that these were matters at the heart of the Arab cause, especially in these wartime circumstances. Then Nuri Pasha criticized us for not coming forward to resolve the dispute between our Iraqi brothers. When I replied that our plan was not to interfere in local or party affairs, he said that these were matters at the heart of the Arab cause, especially in these wartime circumstances. Our conversation concluded with the necessity of striving to unite the leaders and parties in these difficult circumstances, reaching a connection, understanding, and cooperation between them, forming a coalition ministry representing all parties, with His Highness the Regent choosing its head. An agreement should be drawn up on these proposals, signed by all former presidents, and deposited with the Regent for implementation. Following this, we visited the former prime ministers and party leaders and spoke to them about these proposals. I also met with the head of the Diwan, Mr. Rashid Ali, and His Highness the Regent, who was pleased with them and encouraged their implementation. We then made many efforts with the presidents to clear the air. God crowned our efforts with success. The presidents, namely: Rashid Ali al-Gailani, Naji al-Suwaidi, Nuri al-Said, Ali Jawdat al-Ayyubi, Jamil al-Madfa'i, Tawfiq al-Suwaidi, Naji Shawkat, and Mr. Muhammad al-Sadr, President of the Senate, met and signed the agreement, which I then handed to the Regent, who accepted it with gratitude. Following this, the atmosphere in Iraq cleared for a period of time, and the two former ministers were released. (1) Amin Adil al-Tamimi: 1892-1944, born in Nablus, and one of the leaders of the Palestinian national movement. He died in exile by the British in Rhodesia in 1944. |
56 | صبيح نجيب وابراهيم كمال اللذين وجهت اليهما تهمة الاشتراك في مؤامرة لقتل ثم ألف السيد رشيد عالي وزارته التي الغت الاحكام العرفية فور تأليفها، ونالت ثقة وحدث بعد ذلك أن حاول الإنكليز حشد جيوشهم في العراق، وحمله على قطع وحينئذ نشب خلاف شديد بين المواطنين المخلصين وبين الإنكليز واتباعهم ((إن الحكومة البريطانية كانت عازمة على إرسال قوات بريطانية إلى العراق في يونيه والواقع أنه لم يكن لاحد من المسؤولين في العراق حكومة وشعباً أية رغبة في ١ - قطع العلاقات السياسية مع دول المحور. | Subaih Najib and Ibrahim Kamal, who were accused of participating in a conspiracy to assassinate the late Rustum Haidar, the Minister of Finance. Then, Mr. Rashid Ali formed his ministry, which immediately abolished martial law and gained the confidence of the army and the people for its opposition to colonial demands aimed at subjugating Iraq to British interests. After a period of time, Mr. Hikmat Suleiman, the former Prime Minister, was released following successful efforts in this regard during the last al-Gailani ministry. Subsequently, the British attempted to mobilize their armies in Iraq and compel it to sever political ties with Italy, as Nuri's ministry had done. However, the al-Gailani ministry, which was responsive to the people and the army, rejected this and preferred to adhere to the provisions of the Anglo-Iraqi Treaty. It believed that Iraq's interest lay in avoiding entering the war and in maintaining neutrality. This was perhaps the first voice raised in the Arab countries calling for adherence to the neutrality plan. At that time, a severe dispute arose between the loyal citizens and the British and their followers. Matters escalated, and numerous ministerial crises arose. British intelligence played a critical role, in which Mr. Domville, the Director of British Army Intelligence, played a significant role. War broke out between Iraq and England in May 1941, with the British attack according to a treacherous, premeditated plan revealed by Mr. Churchill in his statement to the British House of Commons regarding Iraq, saying: (The British government had intended to send British forces to Iraq in June 1940, a full year before that date, but its need for these forces to support its armies in the Western Desert and repel the advancing Axis forces prevented this desire from being fulfilled.) In reality, none of the Iraqi officials, government or people, had any desire to fight or oppose the British. Rather, they wanted full adherence to the Anglo-Iraqi Treaty and to avoid any conflict. However, the British were determined to fully exploit Iraq, with its wealth and its geographical and strategic connections, for their own benefit. They wanted Iraq to fulfill the following demands: 1. Sever political relations with the Axis powers. |
57 | ٢ - فتح أبواب العراق للجيوش البريطانية في تنقلاتها والسماح باحتشادها في ٣ - دخول العراق الحرب إلى جانب بريطانيا وإرسال فرقتين أو أكثر من الجيش وقد أكد هذه المطالب مستر أيدن وزير خارجية بريطانيا بحزم عندما زار مصر في ولا عجب فقد كان القادة العسكريون، متعاونين مع الزعماء المخلصين من رجال وقد كانت لي صلات وثيقة وقديمة ببعض هؤلاء، فقد عرفت السيد رشيد عالي (١) الحلقة الذهبية أو المربع الذهبي - المتوّج بطه باشا الهاشمي وهم: فهمي سعيد، كامل شبيب، صلاح | 2. Opening the gates of Iraq to British troops for movement and allowing them to assemble in any part of Iraq as they wished. 3. Iraq's entry into the war on Britain's side and sending two or more divisions of the Iraqi army to fight alongside its military forces in Libya or the Balkans. These demands were firmly emphasized by Mr. Eden, the British Foreign Secretary, when he visited Egypt in the spring of 1941 and met with Mr. Tawfiq al-Suwaidi, the then Iraqi Foreign Minister, in Cairo. He added that he was "uneasy with the position of the Iraqi army commanders." Unsurprisingly, the military commanders, in cooperation with loyal political leaders, opposed these demands because they violated the Anglo-Iraqi treaty and were harmful to Iraq's interests. For this reason, the British sought to rid themselves of these leaders and commanders. I had close and long-standing ties with some of these individuals. I knew Mr. Rashid Ali. The relationship between us was strengthened when I visited Iraq in 1923, with the late Muhammad Ali Allouba Pasha, on our way to India. He was the Prime Minister at the time. We received a warm welcome and great care from him. As for the three leaders, Messrs. Mahmoud Salman, Salah al-Din al-Sabbagh, and Fahmi Said, I knew them in 1915 during World War I. We were all officers in the brigades of the 46th Ottoman Division. Mr. Mahmoud Salman and I were in the same regiment. We all agreed on our views and principles, and our bonds of friendship remained strong until we met in 1939, during World War II, in Baghdad, where I had immigrated. I found them now among the most senior commanders of the Iraqi army. They were filled with zeal, enthusiasm, and a sincere desire to serve Iraq and Arabism, and they were looking for someone to cooperate with them in this field. They tried this with Nuri al-Said at first, then They rallied around Taha Pasha al-Hashimi, who was then Minister of Defense, so much so that the British called them the "Golden Circle." (1) However, their hopes were dashed when they did not encounter a serious response in this regard. They turned to Sayyid Rashid Ali, who held the same ideas and principles. They rallied around him and cooperated with him sincerely for the benefit of Iraq and all Arab causes. They pledged to proceed with sincerity and calm in the midst of this fierce war. (1) The Golden Circle or Golden Square - crowned by Taha Pasha al-Hashimi: Fahmi Sa'id, Kamil Shabib, Salah al-Din al-Sabbagh, commanders of the Iraqi Army infantry divisions, and Mahmoud Salman, commander of the Air Force. |
58 | وأذكر أن اجتماعاً عقد في بيت المرحوم محمود سلمان الذي كان قائد القوة ١ - التزام نصوص المعاهدة العراقية البريطانية وتجنب الخصام مع إنكلترا، ٢ - تجنب إغضاب دول المحور (وقد كانت حينئذٍ في اوج انتصاراتها). ٣ - بذل الجهود لتسليح الجيش العراقي وزيادة عدده وعدم التفريط فيه. ٤ - تجنب الدخول في الحرب والحرص على ألا تستنزف القوى العربية في ٥ - التريث إلى أن تنجلي حالة الحرب واتجاهات الدول المتحاربة حتى إذا ما ٦ - عند سنوح الفرصة المنتظرة تعلن الثورة بصورة خاصة في فلسطين لإنقاذها وكانت السفارة البريطانية في بغداد تبعث بمذكراتها واحتجاجاتها المتلاحقة، إلى وفي ربيع عام ١٩٤١ وصل إلى بغداد الكولونيل ((دونافان)) مبعوث الرئيس | I recall a meeting held at the home of the late Mahmoud Salman, who was commander of the Air Force, to determine a plan for Iraq and the Arab countries during the war. The lengthy discussion concluded with the following: 1. Adherence to the provisions of the Iraq-British Treaty, avoiding conflict with Britain, and maintaining neutrality. 2. Avoiding angering the Axis powers (which were at the height of their victories at the time). 3. Making efforts to arm and increase the Iraqi army, and not abandoning it. 4. Avoiding entering the war and ensuring that the Arab forces are not exhausted in the service of Britain, as a victory would not be in the Arabs' interest and would turn against them, as it did after World War I, and would not give any weight to its pledges regarding the Palestinian issue. 5. Wait until the state of war and the trends of the warring countries become clear. If Britain continues to be stubborn and persist in its colonial policy and its bias toward the Jews, and if Russia and Japan join the war with Germany and Italy, and the opportunity arises, then all Arab countries must take a decisive stance against the British. 6. When the long-awaited opportunity arises, a revolution will be declared, particularly in Palestine, to save it from the clutches of colonialism and Zionism. The British embassy in Baghdad sent its successive memoranda and protests to the Iraqi government regarding my presence in Baghdad and my close ties with a number of loyal liberals. Nuri Pasha, in his ministry, even tactfully and kindly suggested that I travel to the United States to contact its officials and gain the sympathy of the American people for the Palestinian cause. When I told him that there were many obstacles preventing this, he pledged to remove those obstacles. In the spring of 1941, Colonel Donovan, President Roosevelt's envoy to the Arab countries, arrived in Baghdad to convince their leaders of the necessity of cooperating with England in this war. Mr. Tawfiq al-Suwaidi, the then Minister of Foreign Affairs, informed me that Donovan had requested to meet me. When I met him, he informed me that he was carrying a message that President Roosevelt had instructed him to deliver |
59 | المسؤولين في البلاد العربية وهي تتلخص في ضرورة التعاون مع انكلترا في هذه الحرب وكان لانتصارات المانيا المتتالية، ولهزائم بريطانيا وحلفائها المتلاحقة، تأثير عظيم وأصبحوا يعتقدون أن كل ضعف يصيب بريطانيا وحلفاءها هو قوة لهم، وأن فقد حدثني نوري السعيد بعد عودته من مصر، وكان حينئذٍ وزيراً للخارجية في وقد حدثني بعد ذلك في بيته بجانب الكرخ خلال جلسة طويلة مستطلعاً رأبي في وحدث بعد ذلك ان زارني طه باشا الهاشمي، وحدثني ملمحاً بفكرة الاتصال | the officials in the Arab countries summarized this by the necessity of cooperating with England in this war and postponing national demands until after its conclusion, because it is not appropriate for us to demand anything from it during the war! I responded to Donavan that England would not give anything of its own accord, neither in peace nor in war, and that the Arabs would strive to achieve their demands under all circumstances and conditions. The successive victories of Germany, and the successive defeats of Britain and its allies, had a profound impact on Iraq and all other Arabs, whose hopes were rekindled by these military developments. It became firmly established in their minds that Britain and its colonial allies were the cause of the calamity and the root cause of the ills that befell the Arab nation. They came to believe that every weakness that befell Britain and its allies was a strength for them, and that its enemies were their friends. The impact of these developments was not limited to those among them who resented colonialism, but also extended to Britain's supporters and friends in some respects. After his return from Egypt, Nuri al-Said, who was then Foreign Minister in the Gailani government, told me about the outcome of his trip to Cairo and his meeting with General Wavell, the British Commander-in-Chief, and other British officials, both military and civilian, such as Lord Killearn, the British Ambassador. They were in a state of anxiety and turmoil. When he spoke to them about the Arab issue, the military among them referred him to the civilians, who, too, failed to provide him with a satisfactory answer. This led him to believe that the current deteriorating situation in Britain and the ongoing German bombardment of their country had embarrassed, confused, and bewildered it, making it difficult to discern its path. He later spoke to me at his home near Karkh during a long session, exploring my opinion on the Arabs' return to Turkey and their reconnection with it. I expressed my belief that present-day Turkey had become too distant from the Arabs and had severed the ties that had bound it to them. Later, Taha Pasha al-Hashemi visited me and hinted at the idea of establishing contact with Germany, and that this should be done through Palestinian organizations. He said it was inappropriate for countries linked to Britain by treaties, such as Iraq, to do so. He then confided in me that Nuri al-Said held this view, and that this contact should be made through me. I replied: We Palestinians do not have the reasons or means to do so. In fact, I was not reassured by some of the elements involved in this matter. |
60 | وبعد ذلك اشتد الصراع بين المخلصين من رجال العراق الداعين إلى الحياد والتزام وفي غضون تلك الفترة قدم بغداد الكولونيل ((نيو كمب)) الذي عرف بصلته هو لم أقابل نيو كمب ولكن مساعيه لم تسفر عن نتيجة لأن بريطانيا عجزت حتى عن ولهذه المناسبة أثار أحرار العرب في العراق فكرة الوحدة العربية ضالتهم التي كانوا | After that, the conflict intensified between the loyal Iraqi men who called for neutrality and adherence to the borders of the Iraqi and British boycott, and who feared that Iraq and the Arabs would be exploited and subjugated for the sake of colonialism, and the British and their supporters who were trying to subjugate Iraq and the Arabs to Britain's benefit, without any assurance from Britain of their support or guarantee of their independence and freedom. During that period, Colonel Newcamp arrived in Baghdad. He was known for his connection, along with his colleague Lawrence, to the First Arab Revolt, whose banner was led by the late King Hussein bin Ali, Sharif of Mecca. This revolt was based on Britain's recognition of the independence of all Arab countries under the McMahon Covenant, which Britain had broken before the ink had dried. Newcamp arrived as a delegate from Lord Lloyd, the Colonial Secretary, to contact Palestinian and Iraqi leaders and discuss Arab issues in general, and the Palestinian issue in particular, and urge them to cooperate with Britain and its allies. Newcamp contacted Foreign Minister Nuri Pasha, who invited me and some members of the Arab Committee to discuss his mission, which was to have the Palestinians declare their recognition of the White Paper and cooperate with the British on the basis of the policy defined in that paper. I did not meet Newcamp, but his efforts were fruitless because Britain was unable even to implement the White Paper's policy due to the Jews' resistance to it. On this occasion, the free Arabs in Iraq raised the idea of Arab unity, a goal they had always sought. Since my arrival in Baghdad, I sensed in them a sense of the need for it and a desire to achieve it. They believed that World War II might be an opportune time to work toward it, and that work should begin to eliminate the estrangement between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Iraq. At that time, the dispute was over borders and the affairs of some of the tribes inhabiting both kingdoms, from the Shammar clan. They asked me to contribute as much as I could to this matter, which our delegation had previously presented to the late King Abdulaziz Al Saud in 1937. He welcomed it and encouraged us to proceed with it. His Majesty then entrusted me with discussing the matter with the Iraqi government. I enlisted the help of Mr. Rashid Ali al-Gailani and Taha Pasha al-Hashimi, who made tireless efforts with His Highness the Regent and members of the cabinet. An Iraqi delegation was sent to meet with King Abdulaziz, who worked to resolve the problems and remove the dispute. |
61 | ومن طريف ما عرفته بعد عودة الوفد، ان مستر ((دومفيل) مدير المخابرات البريطانية، وقد كان لدومفيل هذا نشاط كبير في العراق وبيوت عديدة في مختلف أحياء وبعد أن جئت إلى مصر أوروبا قَدُمَ دومفيل لزيارتي في بيتي بحلمية الزيتون، وأغرب ما حدث من دومفيل هذا أنه بعد ما قضى في أعمال المخابرات البريطانيةِ | One of the interesting things I learned after the delegation's return was that Mr. Domville, the director of British intelligence, had sneaked onto the plane to spy on the delegation and obstruct its efforts to achieve Arab unity and unify their cause. Domville was very active in Iraq and had numerous homes in various neighborhoods of Baghdad, receiving all kinds of people in each one. He was fluent in Arabic with the Iraqi dialect. His activities were not limited to Iraq, but he also worked in Palestine for several years, as well as in Lebanon and Egypt. I knew him in Palestine, when he visited me twice through Professor Issa al-Bandak at the office of the Supreme Islamic Council in Jerusalem, posing as a correspondent for the Daily Express newspaper. He asked me many questions about the Palestinian issue, which I answered. The second time, he sat near my desk, which contained some letters, and he began to examine them carefully and follow their lines, which caught my attention. However, his third and final visit exposed his secret, as he came to meet with me and Professor Issa as well. I had some visitors with me, so the relevant employee asked him He was supposed to wait in the reception room, but he entered the room of the Council Secretary, which was adjacent to mine. He took advantage of the vacancy and started flipping through the papers and files to see what interested him. While he was busy doing that, the Council Secretary suddenly entered. He was then Mr. Jamal al-Husseini. He severely reprimanded and reprimanded him and expelled him. He left without meeting me. It later emerged that he was Mr. Domville, the Director of British Army Intelligence. After I came to Egypt and Europe, Domville came to visit me at my home in Heliopolis. He congratulated me on my return from Europe, and among the things he said to me: We English do not blame you for your hostility toward us. Rather, we respect you because we know that you are only working for your country. However, we blame you for going to Germany and cooperating with it, for this is a grave mistake. I responded by saying that it would be a mistake, even treason, if it came from an Englishman. However, if it came from an Arab, in whose homeland Britain had inflicted an injustice unparalleled in history, then it is not a mistake, but rather correct and just. So, he was confounded. The strangest thing that happened to Domville was that after spending a period of time working for British intelligence in Lebanon, he came to Egypt in 1950 in a shabby state and shabby clothes, claiming that the British had dismissed him from his post because of his excessive Arab bias... and that he had become extremely miserable. He lived in a squalid room on the roof of a building in Heliopolis, trying to deceive people into believing his claims. He would borrow the price of a cup of coffee from some of his acquaintances. |
62 | ولما بلغني خبره وحالة فقره وعوزه قلت: أنها قديمة ومعروفة سبقه إليها مستر ثم تبين فيما بعد أن هذا البائس سترلنج كان يعمل مديراً للمخابرات البريطانية في ولعل قصة سترلنج لم تكن قد وصلت إلى القاهرة عندما استطاع دومفيل أن تتابعت الأحداث الخطيرة في العراق وبرز في ميدانه فريقان يختصمان، أما أحدهما | When I heard about his condition and his state of poverty and need, I said: It is an old and well-known matter. Mr. Sterling, the famous director of British intelligence in Syria, preceded him in this. He took refuge in Aleppo with the late Saadallah al-Jabiri, the prime minister of Syria at the time. He was in the same condition as Domville, with his ragged clothes and his wretched room on the roof. He added that he was taking his wife with him, and she was in the same miserable condition as him. He asked Mr. al-Jabiri for a job for his wife, and he took pity on him and ordered her to be appointed as a nurse in a hospital so they could live off her meager salary. It later emerged that this wretched Sterling was working as director of British intelligence in the Syrian and Iraqi deserts, in contact with Syrian and Iraqi tribes, and working to incite discord among them. He also sought to subjugate them by means of whomever he could buy from their sheikhs and leaders, spending copious sums of money on this endeavor. When his affair was exposed, he left Aleppo for Damascus, where he carried out his mission, albeit in a different state of ease and extravagance. Until Syria grew weary of him, some nationalists shot him, seriously wounding him, and he subsequently left Syria, never to return. Perhaps Sterling's story had not yet reached Cairo when Domville succeeded in deceiving people, and there are many who fall for such tricks among us Arabs. Dangerous events continued in Iraq, and two rival factions emerged on the scene. One of them was the British and their followers, who had tied their destinies to them. The British knew Iraq's economic, geographical, and strategic value, and its vast wealth. They coveted to seize it and desired to harness and exploit Iraq for their own benefit in war and peace. The other represented the elite of the free and loyal who valued this Arab country, whose capital, Baghdad, was the center of the Islamic Caliphate during the Abbasid dynasty. During this period, Iraq achieved a great level of development and civilization. Historians have reported that a traveler from Baghdad to Raqqa, a distance of more than five hundred kilometers, would only walk in the shade of towering trees. Today, the area of its lands amounts to approximately 174,000 square miles, nearly twice the area of Britain, including Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland. The world-famous engineer, Willcocks, estimated that it contained approximately eighteen million acres of fertile land. An acre, which can be easily irrigated by the Tigris and Euphrates rivers and their numerous tributaries. Add to that the abundant oil flowing through it, most of whose wealth flows into the coffers of colonial companies. These companies are trying to acquire another wealth that rivals the wealth of petroleum |
63 | العراقي إن لم ترد عليها، وهي مناجم الكبريت الغنية الجرامية على مسافة لا تقل عن من أجل هذا الإقليم الواسع الغني، الذي كانت ثروته من أهم أسباب جشع منذ وصولي بغداد في الثاني من رمضان عام ١٣٥٨ الموافق 15 تشرين الأول سنة ووقعت أحداث خطيرة كمقتل المرحوم رستم حيدر وزير المالية واستقالة وزارة | Iraqi, if you do not respond to it, which is the rich sulfur mines, located at a distance of no less than three hundred kilometers in northern Iraq, and other apparent or buried resources underground. For the sake of this vast and rich region, whose wealth was one of the most important reasons for the greed and ambition of the colonists, the British exerted tremendous efforts to maintain their control over it since they occupied it at the end of World War I, using various means and methods, from direct British rule, to a mandate, to a treaty, and so on (with changing names and seizing one). From my arrival in Baghdad on the second of Ramadan 1358, corresponding to October 15, 1939, to the day I left it on the evening of May 29, 1941, that is, during a period of one year and seven and a half months, six ministries assumed power in Iraq. Serious events occurred, such as the assassination of the late Rustum Haidar, Minister of Finance, and the resignation of Nuri al-Said's cabinet. The discord that erupted between two factions of military personnel led to the re-formation of the al-Said cabinet, followed by the formation of the al-Gailani cabinet and Italy's entry into the war on the side of Germany on June 10, 1940. This resulted in British pressure on Iraq to sever political relations with Italy and join the war on its side (Britain's). Iraq refused this, so the Minister of Justice, Mr. Naji Shawkat, rolled up his sleeves and met with Fron, who had been publicly shamed in Turkey. The actions of the British ambassador to Iraq, Sir Basil Newton, and his blatant interference in many circumstances and situations also occurred. The crises created by colonialist influence to embarrass the al-Gailani cabinet and lead to the resignation of some of its members also occurred, as did the events of discord in the country, such as Prince Abdul-Ilah's surprise departure from Baghdad to Diwaniyah on January 30, 1941, and the subsequent resignation of the al-Gailani cabinet due to the interference of foreign hands and interests, as stated in Her resignation telegram to the Iraqi Regent, the formation of the Taha Pasha al-Hashimi Ministry, the continued British pressure and colonial intrigue, the attempt to replace the army leaders and change their outlook, the resignation of Taha al-Hashimi's Ministry, the departure of the Regent from Baghdad (for the second time) on April 2, 1941, in a steamboat that transported him to al-Dura, then by car to al-Musayyab, then by plane to Basra, and from there to the royal armored ship (Kawkab al-Sharq) on April 4, the formation of the National Defense Government headed by Mr. al-Gailani, which held a National Assembly meeting on April 10, in which it was decided to appoint |
64 | الشريف (شرف) وصيا على العرش وتأليف الوزارة الكيلانية الرابعة على أثر ذلك. استمرت الدسائس والمؤامرات على نشاطها لربط العراق بعجلة السياسية البريطانية وقد كان في الاستطاعة التخفيف من حدة الخلاف لولا أن الإنكليز كانوا يحولون وحدث أن أصدر مستر تشرشل رئيس الوزارة البريطانية أمراً في ٨ إبريل سنة وخلال ذلك قدم بغداد الأستاذ جورج انطونيوس(١) الذي كانت بيني وبينه معرفة وكانت السفارة البريطانية في بغداد قد تعهدت رسمياً للحكومة العراقية بأن تمر (١) جورج أنطونيوس: تولد ١٨٩٢، دير القمر، لبنان. مهندس خريج جامعة كامبردج، عمل في فلسطين | Al-Sharif (Sharaf) was appointed regent, and the fourth Kaylanite government was subsequently formed. Intrigues and plots continued to operate to tie Iraq to the British political wheel, control its foreign and domestic affairs, and direct them according to Britain's interests in that fierce war. Consequently, the conflict intensified between the loyal nationalists and the British, who were urging their followers to resist the nationalists under the guise of moderation. The dispute could have been mitigated had the British not actively prevented reconciliation, striving to incite discord. Some opportunities arose to bring viewpoints closer together, and reconciliation almost occurred under certain circumstances had the British not thwarted it and prevented it. On April 8, 1941, British Prime Minister Churchill issued an order to send an Indian military contingent to Basra. The British authorities requested permission to pass through Iraqi territory, in accordance with the treaty, which stipulated that British military forces could pass through Iraq west of the Euphrates River for only eight days, without remaining in Iraqi territory for longer than that period. The Iraqi authorities, both civilian and military, were not confident in the passage of this British force under such circumstances. They feared known British plots, so they opposed its passage, resulting in a serious crisis. Meanwhile, Professor George Antonius (1), with whom I had a previous acquaintance and friendship, arrived in Baghdad. He learned of the crisis from the new British Ambassador, Cornwallis, who had been appointed to succeed the previous ambassador, Sir Basil. He visited me and expressed his fears that the situation would escalate and that a clash would occur, which would have negative consequences for Iraq. He asked me to mediate a quick meeting with Prime Minister Rashid Ali. I did so, and the meeting took place within a short time. During this time, we made every effort to persuade the Iraqi authorities to avoid a clash. They agreed, showing great tolerance, despite their fear of British treachery and the suspicions surrounding the reasons for the arrival of this group under such circumstances. The British Embassy in Baghdad had officially pledged to the Iraqi government that the Indian group would pass through within the specified time and leave Iraq without staying there, etc. on 17 and (1) George Antonius: Born in 1892, Deir al-Qamar, Lebanon. An engineer and Cambridge University graduate, he worked in Palestine as an assistant to the Director of Education, serving the Palestinian cause, and as secretary of the Arab delegation to the Round Table Conference in 1939. |
65 | ١٨ إبريل سنة ١٩٤١، تم نزول الفرقة المذكورة في البصرة، ولما طالبت السلطات ولما احتجت الحكومة العراقية على هذا العمل بشدة، كان جواب بريطانيا أن أمرت وهكذا قدمت بريطانيا دليلاً جديداً على نكثها بالعهود والمواثيق، وأن المعاهدات وقد سمعت من الأستاذ انطونيوس، قبل وقوع الحرب بين العراق وبريطانيا، وعندما جئت مصر بعد عودتي من فرنسا، اجتمعت بالدكتور فاضل الجمالي في (١) رجائي الحسيني: من القدس، سياسي نشط في الحركة الوطنية الفلسطينية، وزير في حكومة عموم | On April 18, 1941, the aforementioned division landed in Basra. When the Iraqi authorities demanded that the British embassy respect the terms of the treaty and its unequivocal commitments and assurances regarding the withdrawal of the Indian division from Iraq, Britain responded by bringing in another military force, which landed in the port of Basra on April 29. When the Iraqi government strongly protested this action, Britain responded by ordering its forces to occupy Basra, appointing a British military governor, and dispatching a portion of its armored forces to Habbaniyah Military Airport, which was under British control and located no more than eighty miles from Baghdad. The British did this before any clash occurred between them and the Iraqi forces. Thus, Britain provided further evidence of its breach of covenants and agreements, and that, in its view, treaties were nothing more than scraps of paper with no value other than the value they provided. Before the war between Iraq and Britain broke out, I heard from Professor Antonius appreciation and praise for the Iraqi government and its military personnel, admiration for their peaceful stance, and appreciation for my modest efforts in this regard. Later, when I was in France, and some hostile countries had demanded that I be brought before the Nuremberg Tribunal to be tried as a war criminal, I learned that Professor George Antonius had submitted a comprehensive report on the events in Iraq during the aforementioned crisis and the subsequent situations and incidents. In his report, he provided conclusive evidence of the peaceful intentions of the Iraqi authorities, and that they were not seeking war but were trying to avoid it (this report and the incidents it refers to will be mentioned elsewhere in these memoirs). When I came to Egypt after returning from France, I met with Dr. Fadhel Al-Jamali at the Iraqi Commissioners' House in Cairo in 1947. I asked him, in the presence of the late Tahsin Al-Askari, the Iraqi Minister Plenipotentiary at the time, and Mr. Raja'i Al-Husseini (1), how much he knew about this Antonius report. He said, "Yes, I have heard of this report and I know that the Iraqi government has repeatedly requested a copy of it from the British government, but we have not yet responded to the request." (1) Raja'i Al-Husseini: From Jerusalem, an active politician in the Palestinian national movement, a minister in the All-Palestine Government in 1948. |
66 | وحبذا لو ظهر هذا التقرير ونشر فإن فيه من الحقائق ما يدفع كثيراً من التهم الباطلة وأعود فأذكر باختصار ما وقع بعد ما ظهر من خداع الإنكليز وإدخالهم قواتهم وقد تولى تشرشل تبرير هذا العدوان الغادر على العراق، فقد جاء في المجلد الثالث وجاء في الصفحتين ٢٢٥ و ٢٢٦ من مذكرات تشرشل نصوص برقيات أرسلها ((يجب أن ترسل الجيوش إلى البصرة بأسرع ما يمكن، وعلى أقل تقدير يجب جاء في الصفحة ٢٢٧ من مذكرات تشرشل، إن الجنرال ويفل قائد القوات «لقد نبهتكم مراراً عديدة إلى أنه لا تمكن مساعدة العراق من فلسطين في الظروف | It would be a good idea if this report were published, as it contains facts that would dispel many of the false accusations the British tried to pin on the Iraqi authorities at the time, and on innocent people who had no crime other than their loyalty to their country and their refusal to comply with the demands of the colonists aimed at exploiting their country and enslaving their nation. I will briefly recount what happened after the British deception became apparent, as they brought their military forces into Iraq and occupied Basra, as we mentioned earlier. On Friday, May 2, 1941, British bombers surprised Iraqi army units stationed approximately 25 kilometers from Habbaniyah Airport, in an area with which the British had no connection under the treaty. They also began to attack the Iraqi army with their artillery. The Iraqi government then convened the Supreme Defense Council and decided to fulfill its duty to defend the country and uphold its honor and dignity, no matter the cost. As a result, the government decided to restore diplomatic relations with Germany. With this aggression against Iraq, the British achieved their treacherous plan to control Iraq, a plan that Churchill exposed in his statement in the House of Commons in June 1941, the text of which we have previously cited. Churchill took it upon himself to justify this treacherous aggression against Iraq. In the third volume, page 224, of his memoirs on World War II, he said: “Iraq should not only have severed its political ties with Germany, but also declared war on it. When Italy joined Germany, Iraq did not sever its political ties with it. Iraq also sheltered the Mufti of Palestine, who sought refuge there and helped incite anti-Britain sentiment.” Pages 225 and 226 of Churchill's memoirs contain the text of telegrams he sent to the Minister of India, requesting the dispatch of the Indian Division to Basra. He then sent another telegram to General Ismay, which read: ((The armies must be sent to Basra as quickly as possible, and at the very least the three brigades must be dispatched quickly.) On page 227 of Churchill's memoirs, General Wavell, commander of the British forces in the Middle East, condemned the aggression against Iraq in a telegram that read: "I have repeatedly warned you that it is impossible to help Iraq from Palestine under the circumstances |
67 | الحاضرة، والححت عليكم بوجوب تحاشي الإصطدام في العراق، إن قواتي موزعة إلى ولكن تشرشل ظل مصراً على عناده وأبرق إليه بما يلي: الجنرال ويفل: «لم يكن لنا مناص من التدخل في العراق فان علينا ان نؤسس قاعدة في البصرة وهذا دليل آخر على بغي إنكلترا وسبب عدوانها على العراق، أنه للمحافظة على ومما يسترعي النظر قول الجنرال ويفل: (إنه لا يمكن إرسال قوات بريطانية من ومن الحق والانصاف الا نختم هذه القصة الأليمة دون أن نذكر أن بعض وحدات ولا أسهب هنا في تفصيل معركة العراق. وأكتفى هنا بذكر بعض الحقائق الموجزة لقد ظهر أن بريطانيا التي تعهدت بتسليح الجيش العراقي ومساعدته على النمو | the present, and I urged you to avoid a clash in Iraq. My forces are distributed to the maximum extent everywhere, and I can never risk anything that will not benefit us...)" But Churchill remained stubborn and telegraphed the following to him: General Wavell: "We had no choice but to intervene in Iraq. We must establish a base in Basra and monitor this port to protect Iran's oil." This is further evidence of England's aggression and the reason for its aggression against Iraq, which was to protect the oil in both Iraq and Iran. What is noteworthy is General Wavell's statement: "It is impossible to send British forces from Palestine to Iraq." However, General Glubb, unfortunately, was able to lead some Arab forces to fight the Iraqi Arab Army, such as the Border Force, the Desert Force, and others, and to have a very negative impact on the course of the battle. —— I will not elaborate here on the details of the Battle of Iraq. I will suffice here to mention some brief facts, for they hold a lesson and a warning. It has become clear that Britain, which had pledged to arm the Iraqi army and help it grow and become stronger under the 1930 Treaty, did not fulfill its promise. On the contrary, it erected every obstacle to its armament. When the coup d'état carried out by Hikmat Sulayman and Bakr Sidqi took place in 1936, and the Iraqi government at the time unsuccessfully demanded that Britain provide arms, it purchased some warplanes and a quantity of weapons and ammunition from Germany and Italy. It concluded a large deal with Germany to arm the Iraqi army on very favorable terms. The prices were cheap and the installments were long-term. When I met him in Tehran in June 1941, Mr. Hikmat Sulayman informed me of some of the details of that deal, which was prevented from being implemented by the death of the late commander Bakr Sidqi at Mosul Airport. Regrettably, a military colleague and comrade of his (a well-known supporter of the colonialists) took the initiative following his death |
68 | في المطار إلى الاستيلاء على حقيبة أوراقه ثم سلمها بما فيها من الوثائق السرية وفيما بعد طالبت إحدى الحكومات العراقية، بريطانيا باصرار بتسليح الجيش ومن طريف ما فعلته بريطانيا في العراق خلال الحرب، أنها وضعت يدها على وهذا الحادث يذكرني بمثيل له في مصر فإن بريطانيا التي تعهدت لمصر في معاهدة وكما أن موقف المستعمرين كان واحداً من حيث مقاومتهم لتسليح العراق فإن ولعل فيما اوردته عبرة للمخدوعين من العرب والمسلمين، الذين لا يزالون يجرون | at the airport, they seized his briefcase and then handed it over, along with the secret documents and arms agreements, to the British Embassy in Baghdad... Later, an Iraqi government insistently demanded that Britain arm the Iraqi army. When it despaired, it purchased some warplanes from the United States after much procrastination and delay. Finally, the warplanes pursued by America arrived at Baghdad Airport and were received with great enthusiasm and jubilation. However, tongues were amazed when it became clear that these planes were not carrying any weapons. America promised to send the weapons for these planes in a short period of time, but both the short and long periods passed, and the planes remained unarmed, neither effective in war nor suitable for transportation. One of the most interesting things Britain did in Iraq during the war was to seize control of two rifle and ammunition factories, which the Iraqi government had established after extensive efforts. It seized them on loan. After exploiting them for the duration of the war, it quickly destroyed them and erased their traces. This incident reminds me of a similar incident in Egypt. Britain, which had pledged to arm and support Egypt in the 1936 treaty, and was forced to arm a single division shortly before World War II, returned during the war and reclaimed these weapons from the Egyptian government. It reclaimed what it had given them, despite the fact that many years had passed since Britain signed its treaties with Iraq and Egypt to arm their armies. However, it had not fulfilled its pledges. Just as the colonialists' stance was consistent in their resistance to arming Iraq, their stance was also consistent in their application of severe economic pressure on the national governments. In Iraq, they exercised similar pressure by refusing to purchase dates, the mainstay of Iraq's wealth, with the intent of creating economic crises, internal strife, and destabilizing Iraq's financial position. However, the Iraqi government at the time was able to conclude successful deals with Japan to sell dates and cotton at prices higher than those paid by Britain. Thus, the crisis was resolved, and the policy of colonial pressure failed. Perhaps what I have mentioned serves as a lesson for the deceived Arabs and Muslims who continue to pursue the mirage of colonialism, deceiving themselves and their peoples by attaining power |
69 | والسلاح بواسطة الأعداء الالداء، الذين يرون في قوتنا خطراً عليهم، وفي ضعفنا قوة وعلى أثر تحرج الحالة في منطقة القتال بجبهة بغداد، فكرت الحكومة العراقية ولما كانت حركة العراق في ذلك الحين حركة عربية خالصة فقد تجاوبت معها كان للطابور الخامس أثر كبير في الفشل الذي منيت به حركة العراق، وكان هذا عدا اليهود كانت عناصر عديدة أخرى غير عربية تعمل لصالح الاستعمار وكان رأس جميع هذه العناصر والمحرك لها ادارة المخابرات البريطانية التي كانت | and weapons were used by our sworn enemies, who viewed our strength as a threat to them, and our weakness as a strength and an advantage for them. Following the deteriorating situation in the combat zone on the Baghdad front, the Iraqi government and the Iraqi army command considered withdrawing to the Mosul area and making it a center of defense and resistance. Accordingly, the remaining Palestinian mujahideen in Baghdad, approximately eighty mujahideen, headed to Mosul and stayed there for three days, awaiting instructions from the Iraqi authorities. Since the Iraq movement at that time was a purely Arab movement, Arab countries responded to it and supported it with remarkable enthusiasm. Free Arabs in Iraq at the time came forward, declaring their volunteerism and readiness to join their Iraqi brothers. Indeed, a number of Syrian volunteers from Deir ez-Zor and Albukamal headed to Iraq's aid and fight the British. However, events unfolded in Iraq more quickly than expected, and the Iraqi government and army leadership were unable to move to Mosul. I was forced to leave Iraq for the Iranian border, then seek refuge in Iran. The fifth column played a significant role in the failure of the Iraq movement. This fifth column was composed of many elements, the most important of which were the Jews in Iraq. Professor George Antonius told me during the battle that Jewish employees of the telephone service would record important and official telephone conversations on records and then submit them to the British Embassy in Baghdad. Likewise, Jewish employees of the Post and Telegraph Service would send whatever telegrams and letters they could get their hands on to the embassy. Apart from the Jews, there were many other non-Arab elements working for British colonialism. The only Arab element working for colonialism was the group that tied its present and future to the British. One of the leaders of this group often openly said, "By God, if the British left Iraq in the evening, we wouldn't stay there until morning, fearing that the Iraqi people would attack us!" The head and driver of all these elements was the British Intelligence Directorate, which was omnipresent. It's enough to know that Mr. Edmonds, one of the British cunning men in Iraq, was a long-time advisor to the Ministry of the Interior and later became an advisor to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs |
70 | الخارجية عندما كان نوري باشا السعيد وزيراً لهذه الوزارة عام ١٩٤٠ فكان مستشاراً وكان ادمونس رغم أنه مستشار وزارة الداخلية، يسعى جاهداً لإثارة الحركة وكان لزاماً على العراق أن ينشئ ((ادارة مخابرات)) قوية جديرة بإحباط مؤامرات ومنذ دبرت المنظمات اليهودية والفارسية المجوسية مؤامرات اغتيال الخلفاء الخطيرة | when Nuri Pasha al-Said was Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1940, he was an advisor to both ministries simultaneously. Edmonds, despite his position as an advisor to the Ministry of the Interior, was striving to incite the Kurdish movement in Iraq and sow discord between the Arabs and their Kurdish brothers. He pretended to love the Kurds and wished he had been born a Kurd! He claimed to be the successor to the English Major Sun in reviving the Kurdish nation and revitalizing its language, which Edmonds was fluent in. The British were also keen to incite the Assyrians (the "Tayari"), the Yazidis, and other non-Muslim sects in Iraq, and to drive a wedge between Sunnis and Shiites, in accordance with their well-known colonial plan of "divide and rule," and to consolidate their influence and control over this vast, rich region of the Arab world. Iraq was obliged to establish a strong "intelligence department" capable of thwarting the plots of its enemies. This is something I brought to the attention of Taha Pasha al-Hashemi upon my arrival in Baghdad. He was then the Minister of Defense and had a powerful voice in the Iraqi government. I was astonished to learn from him that the Iraqi government, until 1940, ten years after the recognition of Iraq's independence, had not established an intelligence agency, either military or civilian. I suggested to him the establishment of this apparatus, which is indispensable to any government. He responded by saying that we should not act as Sultan Abdul Hamid did when he spied on people. I told him that perhaps Sultan Abdul Hamid's concern for intelligence was one of the most important deeds of this sultan, whose intelligence and cunning had made enemies and colonialists fed up. I do not mean spying on good citizens, for that is prohibited by God Almighty's words: "And do not spy..." Many Muslims have expanded upon this meaning and have misunderstood its intended meaning, becoming blind and sadly unaware of the evil and harm intended for them. Since the Jewish and Persian Zoroastrian organizations hatched dangerous plots to assassinate the caliphs during that era and subsequent eras in Islamic history, we have been immersed in our heedlessness. Lessons have not alerted us, nor have dangerous events and bitter experiences benefited us. Yet, the Messenger, may God bless him and grant him peace, the most knowledgeable and most understanding of God Almighty's commands, as revealed in the Holy Qur'an, took precautions and diligently deployed spies and watchdogs to learn news of the enemy and track their movements and actions, as he did in the Battle of Badr, then in the Battle of the Trench, in which the polytheists conspired with the Jews to invade and besiege Medina, and in many other situations |
71 | التي تواترت عنها الأخبار دالة على عظيم الفطنة وشديد الحذر. وبدأ حينئذ ان طه باشا ولكن رجالاً آخرين من العراقيين المسؤولين أدركوا أهمية المخابرات واستطاعوا التقطت المخابرات العراقية مساء الخميس أول مايو سنة ١٩٤١ محادثة تليفونية بين ومن الحق أن نقول أن الغفلة عن أهمية المخابرات كانت عامة في أكثر الأقطار استطاع الطابور الخامس، الذي ذكرت طرفاً من جهوده الخطيرة آتفاً، أن يصيب | the news that was frequently reported indicates his great intelligence and extreme caution. It then seemed that Taha Pasha was convinced by my words, and a few months later, he brought me the good news that he had managed to allocate a thousand or two thousand dinars in the Ministry of Defense's budget to establish an intelligence department. When I heard this small sum from him, I realized that he hadn't realized the importance and seriousness of this matter! However, other Iraqi officials understood the importance of intelligence and were able to uncover some of the enemy's plans and secrets. Among the amusing incidents is the following: On the evening of Thursday, May 1, 1941, Iraqi intelligence intercepted a telephone conversation between the British camp in Habbaniyah and the British embassy in Baghdad. The conversation read, "Mr. Pelly will be engaged to Miss Cornwallis tomorrow." Pelly was a British inspector in the Postal and Telegraph Service, and Miss Cornwallis was the daughter of the British ambassador who had been appointed during the recent incidents. The intercepted phrase was "Will Engage," which apparently meant "marriage," but in military terms, it had another meaning: "engagement or attack." The Iraqi leadership was aware of the meaning of this phrase and took precautions. They were not taken by surprise. Indeed, the British launched a surprise attack on the Iraqi army at five o'clock in the morning of the following day, Friday, May 2, without any warning. It is fair to say that the importance of intelligence was generally overlooked in most Arab countries. I have previously mentioned some of the actions of Domville, who had served as the Director of Air Intelligence in the Egyptian Army during the previous era. I now recall something even more shocking. On November 24, 1951, I met with the acting Egyptian Minister of War during the heightened crisis between Egypt and the British over the Suez Canal following the abrogation of the 1936 Treaty. I presented to him the Palestinians' willingness to do what was necessary for dear Egypt in that situation. During that meeting, a discussion took place about foreign intelligence and the fifth column. The minister confided in me something that astonished me: the Director General of Egyptian Army Intelligence had been English until the previous week, and the minister had expelled him only a week earlier. The fifth column, some of whose dangerous efforts I have already mentioned, was able to cause great harm to Iraq. It was joined by some traitors who had attached themselves to the wheel of British politics and worked for colonialism. They were able to entice some opportunists and those who rallied around them, thus providing the greatest assistance to the British Army, which had a presence in Iraq |
72 | قاعدتان عسكريتان، احداهما الحبانية بالقرب من بغداد، والأخرى ((الشعيبه)) بالقرب وكانت الحكومة العراقية قد بذلت جهدها للحصول على أسلحة للجيش من بعض وفي ١٩ مايو قامت القوات البريطانية في الحبانية، بهجوم شديد على الوحدات وفي ٢٧ مايو زحفت القوات البريطانية على بغداد، فلقيت مقاومة استمرت حتى | two military bases, one in Habbaniyah near Baghdad, and the other in Shu'aiba near Basra, were established in accordance with the Anglo-Iraqi Treaty, which specified their number and locations. However, the British ignored the provisions of the treaty and, despite repeated protests from the Iraqi authorities, began to bolster their army with large numbers flowing in from India and elsewhere. These forces were reinforced with armored vehicles, tanks, heavy artillery, and air forces, which Iraq had no equivalent for. Iraq, which had no intention of war, was solely concerned with neutrality and adherence to the provisions of the treaty. After occupying Basra with its army and navy, the British were able to supply their forces in Habbaniyah with large forces composed of mechanized units, including armored vehicles and artillery, under the command of General Kingston, accompanied by other units. The Iraqi government had made every effort to obtain weapons for the army from friendly countries. Despite the vast distances and the resistance of British aircraft, some German and Italian warplanes arrived on their way to Iraq. Their arrival had a significant impact in strengthening morale and reviving hope, but they did not have the expected effective effect and could not be used in the battle against the British. Iraq, from whose land oil flows, had been prevented by colonial companies from establishing an oil refinery for aircraft. The Iraqi Air Force imported some of its air force needs from Abadan in Iran. When the conflict between Iraq and Britain erupted, Iraq was unable to supply its own aircraft with gasoline, nor were the other aircraft arriving to assist it from Germany and Italy. Thus, they remained virtually out of service. Similar events occurred, leading to sad consequences that are inevitable in every clash between a powerful, oppressive empire and a small, emerging, peaceful state. On May 19, British forces in Habbaniyah launched a fierce attack on the Iraqi units defending Fallujah and occupied it. Some Iraqi forces attempted to retake the city on May 21, and nearly succeeded in entering Fallujah. However, they were unable to capture the city due to the lack of mechanized forces and aircraft to reinforce the army units. This attack thus failed. On May 27, British forces advanced on Baghdad, encountering resistance that continued until the evening of May 29, at which point the Iraqi government and army commanders decided to withdraw from Baghdad to the mountainous regions of northern Iraq to resume their defense. However, colonial intrigues, coupled with the superiority of the large British forces and the lack of reinforcements, prevented the army from taking control |
73 | العراقي من الاستمرار في المقاومة، واضطرت الحكومة العراقية وقادة الجيش للخروج ولا بد من الإشارة هنا إلى الموقف المشرف الذي وقفه المجاهدون الفلسطينيون من أشرت فيما سبق لظروف الحرب العالمية الثانية وانتصارات المانيا المتتالية على الدول وكان أهل العراق، كغيرهم من العرب، يتجهون إلى المانيا بأبصارهم وافئدتهم، وكنا في هذه الظروف نبحث أحوال الأمة العربية، مع الصفوة المخلصة من أحرار | The Iraqis were forced to continue their resistance, and the Iraqi government and army commanders were forced to withdraw from Iraq via the Khanaqin road to the Iranian border, which they crossed on May 30, 1941. It is necessary to point out here the honorable stance taken by the Palestinian Mujahideen in the Battle of Iraq. They rushed to join their Iraqi brothers in their ordeal, sacrificing their blood and lives in defense of Iraq's freedom. A group of them, led by Mujahid Sayyid Abdul Qadir al-Husseini, fought fiercely against the British forces at the Abu Ghraib site, performing brilliantly. I previously referred to the circumstances of World War II and Germany's successive victories over the Western colonial powers, which oppressed and exhausted the Arabs and broke the promises they had made to them during World War I. Not content with that, it culminated its oppression and aggression against the Arabs with the Balfour Declaration, which Britain made to the Jews, promising to establish a national homeland for them in Palestine, despite the disapproval of all Arabs. It was only natural for Arabs to turn their eyes to the Germans, whom they considered their friends, because they were the enemies of their enemies, the colonialists and the Jews. Furthermore, Germany had never before offended the Arabs; in fact, its policy had previously been at odds with the policies of Western colonial powers. This prompted the Ottoman Empire, during the reign of Sultan Abdul Hamid II and after him, to extend its hand to Germany and ally with it, as had happened in World War I. The people of Iraq, like other Arabs, turned their eyes and hearts to Germany, pinning great hopes on it and awaiting its rescue and relief. Enthusiasm for Germany reached such a level in some Arab countries that people chanted these words in their songs: "God is alive, God is alive, Hajj Muhammad Hitler is coming." Under these circumstances, we were discussing the conditions of the Arab nation, with the loyal elite of free Arabs in Iraq, in cooperation with the Gailani government. We were studying the political and military situation, and we were trying to seize the opportunity of war to work for the benefit of the Arab nation, break its shackles, and achieve its unity from the clutches of the Jewish colonial conspiracy. Our research and reflections culminated in an attempt to contact the Germans to cooperate with them in achieving these national goals. Mr. Othman Kamal Haddad, one of the brilliant young Arabs from Tripoli and one of those who worked sincerely with us for the sake of the Palestinian cause and Arab issues, was residing with us in Baghdad at the time. Given his proficiency in several European languages, we entrusted him with the task of contacting the Germans and carrying some |
74 | الرسائل إلى سفير المانيا في أنقرة الهر فون بابن، وزودته الحكومة العراقية بجواز سفر
وبناء على ذلك ابرق السفير فون بابن إلى برلين، ولم يلبث أن جاء الجواب وزارة الخارجية الالمانية برلين ٣ إبريل ١٩٤١ تلقى الفوهرر (الزعيم) كتابكم المؤرخ في العشرين من يناير ١٩٤١ الذي» | letters to the German ambassador in Ankara, Herr von Papen. The Iraqi government provided him with an Iraqi passport. He traveled to Ankara carrying a letter to the ambassador introducing himself and the reasons for his mission, as well as another letter to the leader of Germany, Adolf Hitler, regarding the Arabs' desire to cooperate with Germany to achieve the independence and unity of the Arab countries and save them from colonialism and Zionism, on the following basis:
Accordingly, Ambassador von Papen sent a telegram to Berlin, and the response was not long in coming, permitting the messenger to come to Berlin. Mr. Osman Kamal Haddad traveled there and met with a number of specialists from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, including its first undersecretary, Herr von Weizsäcker, and the director of the Eastern Department, Dr. Melchers, among others. He also contacted his great friend, the late Prince Shakib Arslan, who was then residing in Switzerland, and cooperated with him in successfully carrying out his mission. Following this, I received from the German Foreign Ministry, as did Mr. Rashid Ali, an official letter, the translation of which is as follows: German Foreign Ministry, Berlin, April 3, 1941 «The Führer (Leader) received your letter dated January 20, 1941, which you sent through your private secretary. He reviewed the details contained therein, concerning the Arab national struggle, with great interest and sympathy. He was delighted by the friendly expressions you addressed to him in your name and in the name of the Arab people. |
75 | إن الفوهرر يهدي اليكم تحياته ويشكركم بواسطة وزير خارجية الرايخ الهر إن سكرتيركم الخاص بدأ بالمفاوضات التي أعربتم عن رغبتكم فيها في إن المانيا لم تحتل قط ارضاً عربية، ولا تستهدف الاستيلاء على أي جزء من وإن كلا من الامتين الالمانية والعربية متفقتان على الكفاح ضد عدوهما إن المانيا مستعدة أيضاً لتسليم المواد الحربية فوراً، لشد ازر الأمة العربية في وإنني أوصي باعادة سكرتيركم الخاص للبحث في التفصيلات المتعلقة والرجاء أن يبقى هذا الكتاب مكتوماً عندكم، وقد احيطت الحكومة وإنني أتمنى لكم الخير والنجاح في اقدامكم الجريء في سبيل القضية المخلص: فرايهر فون وايسزيكر (وكيل الخارجية الالمانية) | The Führer extends his greetings and thanks to you, through Reich Foreign Minister Herr von Ribbentrop, and wishes you continued success in the Arab cause. Your private secretary has begun the negotiations you expressed in your letter. As for fulfilling your desire to clarify Germany's policy toward the Arab question, I am authorized to inform you of the following: Germany has never occupied Arab territory and does not aim to seize any part of the Arab countries. Germany considers the Arab people, a people with an ancient culture and who have demonstrated their competence for government and military virtues, worthy of governing their own country. Therefore, Germany recognizes the full independence of the Arab countries, and those Arab countries that have not yet achieved independence have the right to achieve their full independence. Both the German and Arab nations are united in their struggle against their common enemy, the English and the Jews. Germany is prepared to work together with you and to provide you with effective military assistance, as much as possible, if you are forced to go to war against the English to achieve the aims of your people. This is done on the strength of Germany's friendship and in fulfillment of the desire you have expressed through your private secretary. Germany is also prepared to deliver war materials immediately to support the Arab nation in a possible war against England, whenever possible, when means of transporting these materials are available. I recommend that you return your private secretary to discuss the details of our mutual friendly cooperation, or that you send another representative if something happens that prevents his return. Please keep this letter confidential. The Italian government has been informed of its contents and has approved them. Your private secretary will undoubtedly explain to you his impressions of Germany and assure you that the victory of the Axis is beyond doubt and that England's defeat is inevitable. I wish you well and success in your bold endeavors in the service of the Arab cause. Yours sincerely, Freiherr von Weizsäcker (German Foreign Secretary) |
76 | وقد أصدرت السلطات الالمانية الأمر السري الآتي: سري رقم ٤١/٤٤٧٧٢ (سري). رئاسة الفوهرر ٢٣ ماير ٠١٩٤١ الفوهرر والقائد الاعلى للقوات المسلحة. أمر رقم ٣٠
(١) - بارباروسا: عملية عسكرية المانية سرية. | The German authorities issued the following secret order: Secret No. 41/44772 (Secret). Führer Presidency May 23, 1941 Führer and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. Order No. 30
(1) - Barbarossa: A secret German military operation. |
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التوقيع: ((ادولف هتلر)) قبل أن نطوي صفحة حوادث العراق الأليمة، لنفتح صفحة إيران وما صادفنا فيها لقد وضح من الحوادث التي سردناها آنفاً عن معركة العراق، وما اعتزمته المانيا من ولا ريب عند كل من شهد تلك الحوادث عن كثب، إن من أهم العناصر التي |
Signed: (Adolf Hitler) Before we turn the page on the painful events in Iraq, let us turn the page on Iran and the events we encountered there. I believe it is necessary to outline some of the lessons that accompanied these events, hoping that mentioning them will be of benefit to the Arab nation and a lesson for those with understanding, especially those involved in public affairs and those in charge of affairs in the Arab countries. It has become clear from the events we have recounted above regarding the Battle of Iraq, and Germany's intention to provide assistance to Iraq and the Arabs, that a rare and precious opportunity presented itself to the Arab nation at that time. If it had been able to seize it, it would have reaped its fruits, taken great strides toward its independence and unity, decisively eliminated the Zionist entity in Palestine, and thwarted the Jewish colonial conspiracy. There is no doubt, for anyone who witnessed these events closely, that among the most important factors that squandered this golden opportunity for the Arab nation were a few individuals among its sons, some of whom devoted themselves to supporting colonialism for their own personal gain and positions, while others were cowardly and weak. The dangerous point in this is that some people still belittle and trivialize the national crimes committed by these individuals, believing them to be isolated incidents with no significant impact on the life, entity, or future of the nation. This is a grave mistake. The events in Iraq have demonstrated that a few individuals, with the help of foreign enemies, were able to inflict the greatest calamities on their nation, to spread their disease, and to spread their infection to a degree that would destroy its movement. A blessed liberation movement like the Iraqi movement failed and failed, and this failure would have a very negative impact on the Arab renaissance in all countries, and the Iraqi people would be deprived of the fruits of their glorious struggle. They were the first Arab people to revolt against colonialism after World War I, in 1919 |
79 | وقاوم الظلم البريطاني في ثورته الرائعة التي كبدت الإنكليز خسائر فادحة، وسجلت لقد استطاع الاستعمار ان يقلب الوضع، بمساعدة أفراد معدودين من اتباعه ولقد عرفت شخصاً من هؤلاء استطاع أن يفسد عملية كانت ناجحة، ويحبط في يوم الاربعاء ١٤ يناير سنة ١٩٥٣ زارني في منزلي الضابط الالماني الشهير | He resisted British oppression in his magnificent revolution, which inflicted heavy losses on the British and recorded immortal pages in the battles of Rumaitha, Abu Sakhir, Hillah, Al-Dughara, Baqubah, Kirkuk, and others, which forced the British authorities to change their colonial policy and form a national government in Iraq. Colonialism was able to turn the tide, aided by a handful of its overt and covert followers, some of whom feigned extreme nationalism and wore a false guise of feigned enthusiasm. They opened loopholes, provided the means and justifications for it, and thwarted the nation's plan to free itself from the shackles of slavery and colonialism. I knew one of these individuals who was able to sabotage a successful operation and thwart a dangerous deal concluded by an Arab state with an arms sales company in 1953, when the doors of the Eastern Front were still closed to Arab states. A Minister Plenipotentiary of one of the Arab states—known for his loyalty to the colonialists who had appointed him to this position—was able to deceive those in charge of the deal and thwart the project. Here are the details: On Wednesday, January 14, 1953, the famous German officer, Otto Skorzeny, visited me at my home. He had carried out the kidnapping of Mussolini on September 12, 1943, in a small plane from the fortress on top of Mount Sasso in Italy, a towering mountain difficult to climb. This was a unique adventure that was widely discussed in the newspapers and the world at the time. Skorzeny spoke to me at length about his arrests and the hardships he encountered after the Allied occupation of Germany. He also spoke about how he escaped their hands and traveled to a European country, where he worked as an employee in an arms manufacturing company. He was tasked with supervising the completion of deals and the shipment of weapons sold by that company. An Arab country had managed to conclude a deal with Skorzeny's aforementioned company to import a quantity of various weapons that it desperately needed. The Minister Plenipotentiary of an Arab country, in his Arab capacity and his apparent keenness for the welfare of the Arab countries and his intense hatred of colonialism, had succeeded in deceiving those in charge of the matter. The deal, and he learned its secret, immediately informed the foreign colonial authorities, who intervened and exerted pressure, thus thwarting the project. Thus, the arms deal failed, and Skorzeny flew to the capital of the Arab state that had contracted the deal, to discuss with those in charge the reasons leading to the disclosure of the secret of that deal, which Skorzeny and his company believed was kept secret. Skorzeny added to |
80 | ذلك قوله انه بعد وصوله العاصمة بيومين ونزوله في آحد فنادقها، فوجئ بابن ذلك في إيران: خرجنا من بغداد نحو منتصف ليل ٢٩ مايو سنة ١٩٤١، وفي النفس حسرات، ولما وصلنا صباح ٣٠ مايو إلى مدينة (خانقين) آخر الحدود العراقية، أردنا أن نتابع | he said that two days after arriving in the capital and checking into one of its hotels, he was surprised by the son of the Minister Plenipotentiary arriving at the hotel, renting the room next to his own, and following him around. This made him certain of the true role his father played in this story. In Iran: We left Baghdad around midnight on May 29, 1941, filled with regret, in accordance with the decision taken that day to withdraw to the mountainous region in northern Iraq, to fortify it and continue the fight. The Iraqi government moved its treasury to that region, accompanied by the Minister of Finance and the Chief of Staff of the Army, Major General Amin Zaki. The Iraqi government arranged a special train, accompanied by Prime Minister Rashid Ali and the other ministers, some officers, aides, and a number of Palestinian, Iraqi, and Syrian jihadists and nationalists. When we arrived in Khanaqin, the last Iraqi border town, on the morning of May 30, we intended to continue our journey to Mosul. However, we were informed there that the bridges on the Mosul road had been blown up by British aircraft, and that there was no alternative but to cross the Iranian border for fear of being captured by British forces. It was then possible to return to northern Iraq via Rawanduz, given that Iran was a neighboring and friendly country, and that the German government had significant influence there at the time. It soon became apparent that the news of the bridges being blown up was false and a fifth column rumor. Furthermore, the news of German influence in Iran was exaggerated. Therefore, after our entry into Iran, it was no longer possible to implement the plan, despite the Iranian authorities' warm reception of those arriving from Iraq. The Iranian authorities transported us to the town of Qasr-e Shirin, from there to Kermanshah, and then to the city of Hamadan (to which Badi' al-Zaman al-Hamadhani, the author of the Maqamat, is attributed). From there to Qazvin, then Tehran. We were accompanied by a colonel in the Iranian army, who later became a general, General Abdullah Masoud. We arrived in Tehran on June 3rd. We stayed at the Ferdowsi Hotel for a while, then rented the house of Mohammad Ali Majd in the Vali Abad district. As I mentioned, we believed that the Iranian government was loyal to Germany, and that there were hundreds of German technical, military, and economic missions in Iran. However, after our arrival in Tehran, we felt that a change had occurred in the situation due to the emerging dispute between Germany and Russia. We saw the Iranian government politely and respectfully requesting that we abide by the conditions of political refugees and refrain from engaging in any political activity. |
81 | لم يكن دخولي إيران للمرة الأولى، بل سبقت لي زيارتان إليها كانت أولاهما عام وفي مشهد أيضاً زرت عدا هذين الضريحين، قبر الشاعر الفارسي الشهير | This was not my first time entering Iran. I had previously visited it twice, the first of which was in 1924, via Basra, to Al-Hamra, Nasiriyah, and Ahvaz, which is now called Khuzestan. The second visit was in 1933, following my visit with the late Muhammad Ali Allouba Pasha of India as delegates from the Islamic Conference. After we spent five months in India, the late Allouba Pasha returned by sea to Egypt, and I returned by car from India to Afghanistan, then to Logistan, Iran, Iraq, Transjordan, and Palestine. A journey that took more than a month, during which I covered thousands of kilometers, I entered Iran via Zahedan, Khorasan, and the city of Mashhad al-Rida, known in history as Tus, where Caliph Harun al-Rashid died and was buried in a mausoleum built by his son al-Ma'mun. During his reign, Imam Musa al-Rida, a member of the Prophet's family, died, and al-Ma'mun buried him next to his father al-Rashid in the same great mausoleum known today as Mashhad al-Rida. Surrounding it is a magnificent mosque, one of the greatest mosques in the world, with a dome and two minarets covered in gold. It also contains a library that I have never seen equaled in terms of its contents. Among the most valuable items I saw were ancient Qur'ans, and very fine historical books. The first half of a Qur'an in Kufic script on gazelle parchment was handwritten by Muhammad ibn al-Hasan ibn al-Husayn ibn Imam Ali, may God be pleased with him. The other half of this Qur'an is preserved in the Al-Aqsa Mosque Museum in Jerusalem (Palestine), in the same format and script, and the writer is the same. In Mashhad, in addition to these two shrines, I also visited the tomb of the famous Persian poet Ferdowsi, author of the Shahnameh. The Iranian state celebrated the thousandth anniversary of his death. Then I left Mashhad for Nishapur, where I visited the tomb of Omar Khayyam, the famous Iranian poet. From there, I continued my journey to Tehran, arriving in November 1933. Here, a funny incident occurred to me. I was carrying a letter of introduction from my friend, Mr. Baqir al-Kazemi, the Iranian ambassador in Baghdad (which I visited on my way to India in April 1933), to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, through his office director. It was Mr. Baqir al-Kazemi himself, who had become the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The letter was from him and to him. This was a rare coincidence. During my visit to Iran, I reached an understanding with the Iranian authorities, who showed great sympathy for the Palestinian cause. They facilitated many meetings for me with prominent Iranian scholars, clerics, and leaders who embraced the Palestinian cause. As a result, the Iranian Foreign Minister, al-Kadhimi himself, presented the Palestinian issue to the League of Nations in the summer of 1933 |
82 | للمرة الأولى، ثم قام بعرضها للمرة الثانية رئيس وزراء إيران ووزير خارجيتها فروغي شاء الله أن تكون زيارتي الثالثة هذه لإيران، في ظروف تختلف اختلافاً كلياً عن وعلى ذكر وزير الخارجية ((آقاي عامري)) الذي قابلته عدة مرات، أذكر أني سألته ولم تكد تنقضي بضعة أسابيع على حديثي السابق مع وزير خارجية إيران حتى وعلى أثر إعلان المانيا الحرب على روسيا في ٢٢ يوينو، ونظراً لمعرفتنا السابقة | |
83 | وراجعنا السفير التركي ((سعاد بك)) ليستأذن لنا حكومته، لتسمح لنا بالإقامة بتركيا، | |
84 | العراقين والسورين والفلسطينين، تدارسنا فيه الوضع الحاضر، وقررنا على اثره ايفاد السيدين ناجي باشا السويدي وأمين بك التميمي لمقابلة وزير الخارجية الإيرانية، فيحنا معه موقفنا كلاجئين سياسيين فاجابهما الوزير مطمئنا: (إنكم لاجئون سياسيون وضيوف لدينا ولا تسمح القوانين الدولية ولا يسمح شرف إيران بتسليمكم إلى خصومكم فاطمئنوا). | |
85 | وعلى ذكر هذا المجاهد الأفغاني ((فقير ايبي)) أذكر انه كتب إليّ من أفغانستان رسالة وصلتني في برلين أبدى فيها استعداده هو وعشيرته للجهاد في سبيل فلسطين. | |
86 | ويعمل سراً في المخابرات البريطانية، ومن المحقق أنه أطلع المخابرات على خطتنا ورغبتنا في السفر إلى أفغانستان، وقد كان لاطلاع الإنكليز على هذه الخطة فائدة كبرى، لأنهم ركزوا جهودهم في البحث عني في الحدود الشرقية والشمالية الموصلة إلى أفغانستان، وبثوا فيها العيون والأرصاد، فكان ذلك مما ساعد على تضليلهم ونجاتي من | |
87 | ويوم ٢٨ اغسطس، علمنا أن أسرة الشاهنشاه رضا بهلوي غادرت طهران عصر ذلك اليوم، ثم لم نلبث أن علمنا بخروج الشاهنشاه نفسه في الساعة التاسعة من مساء ذلك اليوم من العاصمة إلى ((أصفهان)) فكان ذلك نذيراً بدنو الخطر. | |
88 | ولما دخل المارشال (ويفل)) القائد العام للقوات البريطانية طهران، أذاع بياناً (بأن السلطات البريطانية تدفع مكافأة قدرها خمسة وعشرون ألف جنيه استرليني لمن يقبض، أو يقدم معلومات تؤدي إلى القبض على المفتي حياً أو ميتاً). ولم يكن يعلم بمكانى إلا عدد محدود جداً، كان أحدهم الوطني الجاهد السوري خالد رمضان، الذي كان يقود سيارتي ويقيم معي في المخبا، وقد صحبني من العراق إلى إيران، ثم نبعني إلى المانيا في أشد الاوقات حرجاً، وكان هذا الشاب يخرج من المخبأ لبعض الضرورات فيرى إعلان (ويفل) المغري، دون أن تختلج في نفسه أية خلجة بغير شعور الإخلاص والوفاء مع أنه كان يتقاضى مرتباً متواضعاً. | |
89 | لأحدهم: ألا تُعلمني أين المفتي؟ فقد تكبدنا بضعة ملايين ((تومان)) في سبيل البحث | |
90 | اشتبهوا بعدد من المسافرينِ، فكنت في عدادهم، ثم حصرت الشبهة في سبعة أشخاص، فكنت منهم أيضاً، فانزلنا الروس لاستكمال التحقيق من السيارات، التى تابعت سفرها إلى الأراضي التركية، وفيها حقيبة ملابسي ونقودي، ولم يبق معى إلّا خمسة وعشرون (تومانا)) أو ما يساوي جنيها وربع جنيه، واشد ما المني ان افتقدت ((البالطو)) الذي حملوه معهم في السيارة، وقد شعرت بالبرد القارس في تلك المناطق الجبلية التي تكسوها الثلوج، ولكن الله أنقذني من الموقف، بواسطة دبلوماسي ياباني سخره لي، واستغرق سفري في الأراضي الإيرانية بضعة عشر يوماً، كانت كلها في مناطق الاحتلال الروسي، وبدلت خلالها عدة سيارات مع ركاب مختلفين. | |
91 | من ضغط الإنكليز على الحكومة التركية في تلك الظروف القاسية من سني الحرب. | |
92 | ||
93 | ||
94 | «بخارست»، وقبل هذا التاريخ يشاير سنة أي في عام 1898، عندما زار بخارست، وقبل هذا التاريخ بمثاني عشرة سنة في عام 1988. عندما زار القيصر المانيا والملك الثاني، كان ماكسون مراففا للتقصير في هذه الزيارة القدس قصر المانيا والهم الثاني. كان ماكسون مراففا للتقصير في هذه الزيارة القيصر المانيا والملك الثاني، كان ماكسون مراففا للتقصير في هذه الزيارة القدس قصر المانيا والهم الثاني. ثم استأنفت السر إلى هنغاريا ومكثت بعض الوقت في عاصمتها بودابست وهي مؤلفة من مدينتين في حين هما (بودا) و(بست)، ويقطن هذه المدينة عدد وافر من اليهود ولهم فيها نفوذ عظيم حتى أن بعض الناس يطلقون عليها «يودابست» أي مدينة اليهود... وبودابست هذه، هي مسقط رأس الزعيم اليهودي الدكتور (استيفن وايز) الذي كان يتولى رئاسة المنظمات اليهودية في الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية، هذا في الظاهر أما في الباطن فقد كان يتولى مركزًا خطيرًا جدًا، وهو مركز الرئيس الأعلى للمنظمة اليهودية العالمية السرية، وهي جمعية "حكماء صهيون" التي يبدى برئيسها المجلس على عرش داود، وهي أعلى وأخطر منظمة يهودية في العالم، وبيدها مجرى اليهود ولها السيطرة والتوجيه ورسم الخطط الأساسية في شؤون اليهود السياسية والروحية والاجتماعية، وليس من السهل معرفة هذه المنظمة وأسماء رؤسائها وأعضائها إلا نادرًا كما حدث عندما تكشف بعض كبار الباحثين في الشؤون اليهودية سر (بروتوكولات حكماء صهيون)، ونشروها حتى انتشرها ضحية كبيرة في العالم. وقد هاجر الدكتور الحاخام وايز من بودابست، في شبابه إلى أمريكا وعاش فيها بقية حياته إلى أن مات أخيرًا في نيويورك التي هي أكبر مركز يهودي إذ تقطن فيها جالية يهودية يزيد عدد أفرادها على ثلاثة ملايين فهي أكبر جالية يهودية في العالم وهذا من أهم الأسباب التي جعلت نيويورك مقرًا (للأمم المتحدة). ولم يكن اتخاذ نيويورك مقرًا للأمم المتحدة إلا بجهود الصهيونية العالمية ذات التأثير الكبير على دولة الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية، وبهذا أفاد الصهيونيون فوائد كثيرة لأنهم يهودها الصهيوني من أثر ضاغط على أعضاء الأمم المتحدة وجودها الدائمة المقيمة لدى الأمم المتحدة في نيويورك، وجندا لو تضامنت جهود الدول المدركة لذلك من أعضاء الأمم المتحدة على السعي لنقل مقر هذه المنظمة العالمية الكبرى، إلى بلد آخر في دولة محايدة كـ سويسرا أو النمسا. وبعد زيارة قيصره بودابست تابعت السفر بالقطار إلى إيطاليا، وكان قصدي في هذه الزيارة الاتصال برجال دولتي المحور لاستئناف المباحثات التي بدأتها في العراق | "Bucharest", and before this date he refers to a year, that is, in 1898, when he visited Bucharest, and twelve years before this date in 1988. When the Kaiser visited Germany and the second king, Maxson was an attendant for the shortcomings in this visit Jerusalem, the palace of Germany and the second concern. Maxson was an attendant for the shortcomings in this visit The Kaiser of Germany and the second king, Maxson was an attendant for the shortcomings in this visit Jerusalem, the palace of Germany and the second concern. Then I resumed the secret to Hungary and stayed for some time in its capital Budapest, which is composed of two cities at the time, which are (Buda) and (Pest), and this city is inhabited by a large number of Jews and they have great influence in it, so some people call it Budapest, meaning the city of the Jews... This Budapest is the birthplace of the Jewish leader Dr. (Stephen Wise), who was the head of the Jewish organizations in the United States of America, this is on the surface, but on the inside he was in charge of a very dangerous position, which is the position of the supreme president of the secret international Jewish organization, which is the "Elders of Zion" Society, whose president appears on the throne of David, and it is the highest and most dangerous Jewish organization in the world, and in its hand is the course of the Jews and it has control, direction and drawing up the basic plans in the political, spiritual and social affairs of the Jews, and it is not easy to know this organization and the names of its leaders and members except rarely, as happened when some senior researchers in Jewish affairs revealed the secret of (The Protocols of the Elders of Zion), and published it until it spread as a great victim in the world. Dr. Rabbi Weiss immigrated from Budapest in his youth to America and lived there for the rest of his life until he finally died in New York, which is the largest Jewish center, as it is home to a Jewish community of more than three million people, making it the largest Jewish community in the world. This is one of the most important reasons that made New York the headquarters of the United Nations. New York was not chosen as the headquarters of the United Nations except through the efforts of international Zionism, which has a great influence on the United States of America. In this way, the Zionists benefited greatly because its Zionist Jews had a pressing impact on the members of the United Nations due to its permanent presence residing at the United Nations in New York. They would have been able to mobilize if the efforts of the countries aware of this from the members of the United Nations were united in seeking to transfer the headquarters of this great global organization to another country in a neutral country such as Switzerland or Austria. After visiting the Emperor of Budapest, I continued my journey by train to Italy. My intention in this visit was to contact the men of the Axis countries to resume the talks that I had begun in Iraq. |
96 | متحدثًا بإغراء، ولاسيما حين يتحدث عن تاريخ الرومان والمجاهدين الذين بها، رغم ما كان باديًا على الشعب الإيطالي من البال إلى اللذة والرخاء وبعض الحروب، والعروف من روح المغامرة وكرب الاختطاف وقد أخذ عنه نظام الحكم وسار على منواله. بسط موسوليني مطالب العرب الرئيسية وهي الاستقلال الكامل والسيادة التامة في جميع أقطارهم، وإنقاذ فلسطين من المؤامرة الاستعمارية اليهودية، وإن الوطن القومي اليهودي فيها، ولما قلت له: إن مقاومتنا للوطن القومي اليهودي لم تكن بجائر من التعصب الديني بل كانت دفاعًا عن كياننا، وذودًا عن بلادنا، وأن العلاقات بين المسلمين والمسيحيين في الأقطار العربية هي علاقات وثيقة بين مواطنين متضامنين متعاونين، أجابني قائلًا: إني أعلم هذا وأعلم الكثير من أحوالكم، ولاسيما دينكم، وقد درست القرآن والتاريخ الإسلامي، وأعرف تسامح الدين الإسلامي، ولكن هؤلاء لا يعلمون، قال هذا وأشار بأصبعه إلى البارون فونورز الذي كان واقفًا على قدميه. واستأنف موسيليني حديثه قائلًا: إن مطالبكم جديرة بالاحترام والتحقيق، وإن إيطاليا مستعدة أن تعترف بذلك وتساعد على تحقيق استقلال الأقطار العربية، أما الوطن القومي اليهودي فنحن معكم في ذلك، فاليهود في إيطاليا لا يزيد عددهم على ستة وأربعين ألفًا من ستة وأربعين مليون إيطالي، أي واحد في الألف من مجموع الأمة الإيطالية التي منحهم كل الحقوق، وساوتهم بأولادها ولكنهم رغم ذلك ليسوا موالين لها، فكل واحد منهم جاسوس عليها، وداعية ضدها، وموالٍ لأعدائها، فهم طابور خامس في بلادنا، ولذلك فإن موقفنا منهم سيكون مثل موقفكم منا. وأضاف موسيليني: إننا نعتبركم أصدقاء لدول المحور في هذه الحرب التي سيكون نتيجتها الأثر الكبير على مستقبلنا، ومستقبلكم أيضًا، ولذلك فإننا نرغب في أن يقوم التعاون بيننا وبينكم على الإخلاص والثقة، ومن أجل هذا التعاون، أرحب بكم، لقد وصلنا في الوقت المناسب للاهتمام بمنطقة الشرق الأدنى، التي أعتبرها أهم منطقة، وإني شديد الاغتباط بوصلكم وإقامتكم لدينا. ولما أبدى أعظم استفقال السفير إلى برلين قال لي: أرجو أن توجه نظركم هناك، ولاسيما الفوهرر إلى الجبهة منطقة الشرق الأدنى، ولا سيما قناة السويس، ودمشق | Speaking seductively, especially when talking about the history of the Romans and the Mujahideen in it, despite what was apparent on the Italian people of mind to pleasure and prosperity and some wars, and the known spirit of adventure and the distress of kidnapping, and the ruling system took from him and followed his example. Mussolini laid out the main demands of the Arabs, which are complete independence and full sovereignty in all their countries, and saving Palestine from the Jewish colonial conspiracy, and that the Jewish national homeland is in it, and when I told him: Our resistance to the Jewish national homeland was not unjust from religious fanaticism, but was a defense of our entity, and a defense of our country, and that the relations between Muslims and Christians in the Arab countries are close relations between solidarity and cooperation citizens, he answered me saying: I know this and I know a lot about your conditions, especially your religion, and I have studied the Qur’an and Islamic history, and I know the tolerance of the Islamic religion, but these do not know, he said this and pointed with his finger to Baron Vonors who was standing on his feet. Mussolini continued his speech saying: Your demands are worthy of respect and investigation, and Italy is ready to recognize this and help achieve the independence of the Arab countries. As for the Jewish national homeland, we are with you in that, as the Jews in Italy do not exceed forty-six thousand out of forty-six million Italians, that is, one in a thousand of the total Italian nation that granted them all rights and made them equal to its children, but despite that, they are not loyal to it, as each one of them is a spy on it, a propagandist against it, and loyal to its enemies, as they are a fifth column in our country, and therefore our position towards them will be like your position towards us. Mussolini added: We consider you friends of the Axis countries in this war, the result of which will have a great impact on our future, and your future as well, and therefore we want cooperation between us and you to be based on loyalty and trust, and for the sake of this cooperation, I welcome you, we have arrived at the right time to pay attention to the Near East region, which I consider the most important region, and I am very happy with your arrival and residence with us. When the ambassador to Berlin showed his utmost independence, he said to me: I hope that you will direct your attention there, especially the Fuhrer, to the Near East front, especially the Suez Canal and Damascus |
100 | الفاتيكان، أي في داخل العاصمة الإيطالية، من أكبر أسباب فشل حملة رومل لأنها من هزائم المحور في الشرق الأدنى، ودعم كل ذلك لم يستطع موسوليني رغم رده بأي عمل حازم جعل الفاتيكان التي كانت تعمل جاهدة في مكافحة دول المحور ولاسيما إيطاليا لأنها كانت تعتبر انتصارها خطرًا على الكنيسة الكاثوليكية. ذلك لأن قداسة البابا بيوس الثاني عشر كان (قاصدًا رسوليًا) في برلين في أول عهد الحكم الهتلري لألمانيا عام 1933، واطلع على مبادئ هتلر النازية، وجرت بينه وبين هتلر رسائلها مناقشات عديدة، واعتقد بخطر هذه المبادئ على العقيدة الكاثوليكية، فكان من أشد أعداء النازية، والد خصومها ووجه جميع منظمات الكنيسة الكاثوليكية في العالم مقاومة النازية والدول المتفقة معها. فمن ذلك أني استغربت كثيرًا عندما زرت عام 1943 (كرواتيا) التي حررتها دولتنا المحور من حكم يوغوسلافيا ومنحتها الاستقلال الكامل، وساعدتها على إنشاء 11 فرقة عسكرية كاملة خلال سنتين بينما لم تمكن إنجلترا مصر أو العراق خلال عشرات السنين من إنشاء ثلت هذه القوة العسكرية. استغربت ما رأيته من مظاهر عداء الشعب الكرواتي لألمانيا ودول المحور، ولما سألت عن أسباب ذلك، علمت أن السبب الرئيسي، هو تأثير الفاتيكان الديني على الشعب الكرواتي الكاثوليكي للمذهب. وليست هذه القوة قوة الكتلة الكاثوليكية بالشيء اليسير، بل إنها منظمة عملية ضخمة جدا، فهي تنظم نحو 26 دولة، بعضها في أوروبا وأكبرها في أمريكا الجنوبية، كما تشمل سائر المنظمات الكاثوليكية ذات الشأن في سائر أطراف العالم كالسوعية (الجزويت) التي اشتهرت بقوتها ودقة تنظيمها، وعرفت بأنها المنظمة الوحيدة التي استطاعت أن تضاهي الماسونية وتغلب على المنظمات اليهودية التي لا تستطيع إزاحتها لإرهابها المكلكلة، ولهذا المناسبة ذكر أني قرأت كتابا فرنسيا عن السوعية وانتشارها، وما جاء فيه أن المؤسس السوعية إغناطس دي لويولا أقسم نظامها مع بعض الطرق الصوفية الإسلامية. ولقد زرت الفاتيكان مرارا بصورة رسمية، وتجولت في أنحاء هذه الدولة التي قابل مساحتها عن نصف كيلو متر مربع ومنحت بأن لها حظوة طائلة بحجمها وخطرها وتأثيرها أثرا عظيما، وزرعت أذنها في الجيران الدوي، وفي ذلك عبرة لمن يريد أن يأخذ التنظيم والحكمة قائدة لا يحيقها الإخلال، ولا تزعزعها الفوضى. | The Vatican, that is, inside the Italian capital, is one of the biggest reasons for the failure of Rommel's campaign because it is one of the Axis defeats in the Near East, and with the support of all of that, Mussolini was unable, despite his response with any firm action, to make the Vatican, which was working hard to combat the Axis powers, especially Italy, because it considered its victory a threat to the Catholic Church. This is because His Holiness Pope Pius XII was (Apostolic Nuncio) in Berlin at the beginning of Hitler's rule in Germany in 1933, and he was informed of Hitler's Nazi principles, and many discussions took place between him and Hitler in their letters, and he believed in the danger of these principles to the Catholic faith, so he was one of the fiercest enemies of Nazism, the father of its opponents, and the face of all Catholic Church organizations in the world in resisting Nazism and the countries that agreed with it. This is why I was very surprised when I visited (Croatia) in 1943, which our Axis state liberated from Yugoslavia's rule and granted it complete independence, and helped it establish 11 full military divisions within two years, while England did not enable Egypt or Iraq during decades to establish a third of this military force. I was surprised by what I saw of the manifestations of the Croatian people's hostility to Germany and the Axis powers, and when I asked about the reasons for that, I learned that the main reason is the religious influence of the Vatican on the Croatian Catholic people of the sect. This power is not the power of the Catholic bloc, but rather it is a very large practical organization, as it organizes about 26 countries, some of them in Europe and the largest of them in South America, and it also includes all the Catholic organizations of interest in all parts of the world, such as the Jesuits, which were famous for their strength and precise organization, and were known as the only organization that was able to match Freemasonry and overcome the Jewish organizations that could not remove it due to their corrupt terrorism, and on this occasion I mentioned that I read a French book about Jesuitism and its spread, and what it said was that the founder of Jesuitism, Ignace de Loyola, divided its system with some Islamic Sufi orders. I have visited the Vatican several times officially, and have toured the regions of this country, which is about half a square kilometer in area, and which has been given great favor by its size, danger, and influence, and has planted its ear in the ears of its neighbors. In this is a lesson for anyone who wants to take organization and wisdom as a leader that is not subject to disruption, and is not shaken by chaos. |
101 | وصفوة القول أني لست خلال الأعوام الخمسة التي قضيتها في أوروبا خلال الحرب العالمية الثانية، إن الكتلة الكاثولوكية الملتفة حول الفاتيكان، هي قوة عالية عظيمة ذات قيمة كبيرة في (الميزان الدولي)، وأنها ساهمت بسبب كبير في مقاومة النازية ودول المحور، وبالتالي في نتيجة الحرب العالمية الثانية. وما يدل على مكانة هذه الكتلة وقوتها، أنها استطاعت إنقاذ أسبانيا ورئيسها فرانكو، حينما عزمت بعض دول الحلفاء، عقب الحرب العالمية الثانية، على اقتحامها، وتبديل نظام الحكم فيها، عقابًا لها على وقوفها محايدة ومنحازة لألمانيا أحيانًا خلال الحرب، فبهت واضطرت الولايات المتحدة للاستجابة لها، وبذلك صينت الدولة الإسبانية من العدوان. ∗ ∗ ∗ وقد كتبت من فرنسا حيث كنت معتقلًا عقب الحرب، إلى عبد الرحمن عزام باشا الأمين العام لجامعة الدول العربية حينئذ، استعرضت نظره لأهمية الفاتيكان، واقترحت عليه أن يجعل مصر وغيرها من الدول العربية على تبادل التمثيل السياسي معه، ولم يكن لأية دولة عربية حينئذ سوى لبنان من تمثيل سياسي مع (الفاتيكان)، وقد أطلع عزام باشا أنطون باشا الجميل رئيس تحرير الأهرام يومئذ على كتابي فنشره في الجريدة المذكورة. لم تجد إيطاليا في ليبيا غير الرصاص والرمال على أن أعظم ما كان يرينا ويقلقنا من إيطاليا، موقفها الغاشم من القطر العربي الليبي المجاهد، وقد صارحنا رجال إيطاليا المسؤولين مرارًا بشعورنا هذا، وذكرت مرة للمستشار (فينتي) (وكيل الخارجية الإيطالية) في المدة التي أقامتها لنا أن استمرار إيطاليا على احتلالها ليبيا واستعمارها لها سيبطل أكبر حق على وطنينتنا العرب خاصة والمسلمين عامة لها، فأجابني قائلًا: حقًا إن ما وقع في ليبيا لسبب لنا متاعب كثيرة عندما كانت السياسة الإيطالية تتأثر في الماضي كثيرًا بالسياسة البريطانية قبل عهد الفاشست، فقد عدتنا إنجلترا وفرنسا شركاءنا على أغنى أقطار شمال أفريقيا، وأغرقتنا باتفاقية ليبيا عام 1911، فلم نجد فيها غير الجهود المضنية والخسائر الفادحة في الأنفس والأموال، وغير الرصاص والرمال، ولم نجن من ذلك إلا بغض العرب والمسلمين لنا، ولا بد لنا من تغيير هذا الموقف بعد هذه الحرب بما يرضي الليبيين ويرضى لنا استعادة صلات الود والصداقة مع الأقطار العربية. ∗ ∗ ∗ | In short, I did not realize during the five years I spent in Europe during World War II that the Catholic bloc around the Vatican was a great and powerful force of great value in the (international balance), and that it contributed greatly to the resistance to Nazism and the Axis powers, and thus to the outcome of World War II. What indicates the status and strength of this bloc is that it was able to save Spain and its president Franco, when some of the Allied countries, after World War II, decided to invade it and change the regime in it, as punishment for its neutrality and sometimes bias towards Germany during the war, so it was astonished and the United States was forced to respond to it, and thus the Spanish state was protected from aggression. ∗ ∗ ∗ I wrote from France, where I was detained after the war, to Abdul Rahman Azzam Pasha, the Secretary-General of the Arab League at the time, reviewing his view of the importance of the Vatican, and I suggested to him that he make Egypt and other Arab countries exchange political representation with him, and no Arab country at that time except Lebanon had political representation with the (Vatican), and Azzam Pasha informed Anton Pasha Al-Jamil, the editor-in-chief of Al-Ahram at the time, of my book and he published it in the aforementioned newspaper. Italy found nothing in Libya but bullets and sand, but the greatest thing that showed us and worried us about Italy was its oppressive position towards the struggling Arab country of Libya. We repeatedly told the responsible Italian men about this feeling of ours, and I once mentioned to Counselor (Fenti) (the Italian Foreign Minister) during the period that she appointed us that Italy’s continued occupation and colonization of Libya would nullify the greatest right of our Arab patriotism in particular and the Muslims in general. He answered me saying: Truly, what happened in Libya caused us many troubles when Italian policy was greatly influenced in the past by British policy before the fascist era. England and France considered us our partners in the richest countries of North Africa, and drowned us in the Libya Agreement in 1911, and we found nothing in it but strenuous efforts and heavy losses in lives and money, and bullets and sand. We gained nothing from that but the hatred of the Arabs and Muslims towards us, and we must change this position after this war in a way that satisfies the Libyans and satisfies us in restoring friendly relations with the Arab countries. ∗ ∗ ∗ |
106 | على العراق وقوله: «إن بريطانيا كانت عازمة على إرسال قوات بريطانية إلى العراق في يونيو 1940م، ولكن حاجتها إلى تلك القوات، لنجدة جيوشها في الصحراء العربية، هي التي حالت دون تحقيق تلك الرغبة حينئذ» (وهو التصريح الذي أشرت إليه سابقًا). ثم حدثني الوزير عن الموعد الذي حدد لي لمقابلة الزعيم هتلر، وبحث معي في المطلب والأهداف التي أرى إبلاغها إليه، من أجل تحرير فلسطين والأقطار العربية كلها، فشرحت له تصميم الأمة العربية على الخلاص من الاستعمار والصهيونية ونيل استقلالها وتحقيق سيادتها ووحدتها، وأعربت له عن الأمل في أن تساعد ألمانيا وحلفاؤها الأمة العربية على بلوغ أهدافها وتحقيق مطالبها، وفي عقد معاهدة تعترف فيها ألمانيا وحلفاؤها باستقلال جميع الأقطار العربية، والقضاء على النفوذ الاستعماري فيها، ومحق الوطن اليهودي في فلسطين. ثم أوضحت له أن التصريح السابق الذي أدعتعه الحكومة الألمانية عام 1940م، وسمعناه في بغداد ليس كافيًا، وإنا بالاشتراك مع رئيس الوزارة العراقية رشيد عالي الكيلاني، كتبنا في ذلك الكتاب، مع السيد كمال حداد وطلبنا منكم أن تصدر الحكومة الألمانية تصريحًا أشد قوة ووضوحًا؛ لأن الأمة العربية التي خدعها الإنجليز في الحرب الماضية، ونقضوا العهود التي قطعوها لها، وأفسدوا بها شأواتهم الاستعمارية، تريد في هذه المرة عهودًا صريحة صادقة منكم، وقد وصلنا على أثر ذلك كتاب من نابكم المهر فون ريبنتروب، مؤرخ في 3 أبريل عام 1941م، يحتوي على عبارات أصرح دلال على حسن نياتكم، ولكننا بالاشتراك مع رئيس الوزارة العراقية الكيلانية، لم نرَ ذلك الكتاب وافيًا بما تتطلبه الأمة العربية، (وقد أوردت نص هذا الكتاب فيما سبق). فقال الوزير: «إننا عازمون عزمًا أكيدًا على الاعتراف باستقلال البلاد العربية، والمساعدة على تحقيق أهدافها بدون أي تردد، ولكن الفوهرر لا يرى من المصلحة الإدلاء بتصريحات قد تؤثر على مجرى الحرب، وتثير بعض الأمم التي لا ترى من المصلحة إثارتها في الظروف الحاضرة»، ولما سألته عن تلك الأمم التي يعنيها قال: «تركيا مثلًا التي تدّعي بعض مطالب في الأراضي المجاورة لها من سوريا، فقلت له أن من الأفضل لتركيا أن تجاور دولة صديقة ليست لها مطامع، من أن تجاور دولة قوية كفرنسا، وفي إمكاننا أن نرسل إلي تركيا، ونسي إلى التفاهم معها على هذا الموضوع»، فقال: «يمكنكم أن تصارحوا الفوهرر بجميع آرائكم هذه | On Iraq and his saying: “Britain was determined to send British forces to Iraq in June 1940, but its need for those forces to aid its armies in the Arabian desert was what prevented the fulfillment of that desire at that time” (which is the statement I referred to earlier). Then the minister told me about the date set for me to meet with the leader Hitler, and discussed with me the request and goals that I see to convey to him, in order to liberate Palestine and all Arab countries, so I explained to him the determination of the Arab nation to get rid of colonialism and Zionism and to gain its independence and achieve its sovereignty and unity, and I expressed to him the hope that Germany and its allies would help the Arab nation to achieve its goals and fulfill its demands, and to conclude a treaty in which Germany and its allies would recognize the independence of all Arab countries, eliminate colonial influence in them, and wipe out the Jewish homeland in Palestine. Then I explained to him that the previous statement made by the German government in 1940, which we heard in Baghdad, was not sufficient, and that we, in cooperation with the Iraqi Prime Minister Rashid Ali al-Gailani, wrote in that book, with Mr. Kamal Haddad, and asked you to issue a stronger and clearer statement; because the Arab nation, which was deceived by the English in the last war, and they broke the promises they made to it, and with which they spoiled their colonial ambitions, wants this time clear and honest promises from you. As a result, we received a book from your deputy, Maher von Ribbentrop, dated April 3, 1941, containing more explicit expressions indicating your good intentions, but we, in cooperation with the Iraqi Prime Minister al-Gailani, did not find that book sufficient for what the Arab nation requires (and I have cited the text of this book above). The minister said: “We are firmly determined to recognize the independence of the Arab countries and to help achieve their goals without any hesitation, but the Führer does not see it in the interest of making statements that might affect the course of the war and provoke some nations that do not see it in the interest of provoking them in the present circumstances.” When I asked him about the nations he meant, he said: “Turkey, for example, which claims some demands in the lands adjacent to it in Syria. I told him that it is better for Turkey to be neighboring a friendly country that has no ambitions, than to be neighboring a strong country like France. We can send to Turkey, and we forget to reach an understanding with it on this subject.” He said: “You can be frank with the Führer about all these opinions of yours |
107 | وإني أؤكد لكم أنه ونحن جميعًا متجاوبون معكم في الأسس، ومتعاونون في تحقيق أهدافكم.» ولقد أعجبني روبنتروب في صراحته، وبعده عن التكلف، ولطفه، ولقد شعرت برغبته الأكيدة في التعاون مع العرب وتحقيق أهدافهم، كما أعجبني منه أدبه وحسن استماعه. وقد جرت لي بعد هذه المقابلة أحاديث كثيرة في هذه المسألة، مع عدد من كبار رجال السياسة الألمان، أذكر منها الحديث الآتي لما اشتمل عليه من عبرة وتذكرة. فقد قابلت الهر فون وايزبكير نائب وزير الخارجية الألمانية، وحديثه في هذا الشأن، وكانت على حائط غرفته خريطة مفصلة، فأشرت إلى الأقطار العربية واسترجعت نظره إلى اتساع رقعة هذه الأقطار، الممتدة من شاطئ المحيط الأطلسي إلى حدود إيران، وعلى كثرة عدد سكانها، وما توفر لها من ثروة طبيعية، وموقع جغرافي ممتاز، يضاف إلى ذلك شعور العرب الودي نحو ألمانيا، ورغبتهم في انتصارها على أعدائهم المستعمرين واليهود. فأجاب فون وايزبكير قائلاً: لا ريب في أن هذه الأقطار العربية عظيمة جداً، ولكن عندما توازن بين قوى الأم، لا تنظر إلى اتساع الرقعة ووفرة العدد فحسب، ولكنها قبل أي اعتبار، ولاسيما في زمن الحرب، إنها تهتم بعدد الفرق العسكرية المسلحة لدى كل جانب. أن لدى تركيا اليوم نحو ثلاثين فرقة جاهزة، ويمكنها أن تزيدها عندما يدق النفير العام إلى خمسين، بينما لا تملك جميع الدول العربية أكثر من سبع فرق نظامية. أما ما تملكه الأقطار العربية من طاقة وموارد، فهي عظيمة جداً حقيقة، ولكنها ويا للأسف مسخرة لصالح الأعداء. بما فيها من مؤن ومواصلات وثروات وأيد عاملة ومواقع استراتيجية، رغم أنوف أهلها، الذي نعرف أن عواطفهم وميولهم معنا، ولكن جهودهم وثروتهم يستغلها الأعداء، ولا يتعاون معنا من العرب إلا أنتم. (يقصد المقيمين في ألمانيا). فلما قال كلامه هذا، خطرت على بالي كلمة أمير المؤمنين علي بن أبي طالب رضي الله عنه، لمن قال له «إن قلوبنا معك يا أمير المؤمنين»، فأجابه «حقاً إن قلوبكم معي ولكن سيوفكم مع معاوية»، ولو عرف وايزبكير هذه القصة لأوردها.. وقد حز في نفسي قول هذا الرجل، إن الاعتبار في موازنة القوى بين الأمم، إنما | and I assure you that we are all responsive to you in the basics, and we cooperate in achieving your goals.” I admired Ribbentrop for his frankness, his lack of affectation, and his kindness, and I felt his definite desire to cooperate with the Arabs and achieve their goals, and I also admired his politeness and good listening. After this interview, I had many conversations on this issue with a number of prominent German politicians, of which I remember the following conversation because of the lesson and reminder it contained. I met Herr von Weizbecker, the German Deputy Foreign Minister, and his conversation on this subject. There was a detailed map on the wall of his room, so I pointed to the Arab countries and recalled his view of the vastness of these countries, extending from the shores of the Atlantic Ocean to the borders of Iran, and the large number of their populations, the natural wealth they have, and an excellent geographical location, in addition to the friendly feelings of the Arabs towards Germany, and their desire for its victory over their colonial and Jewish enemies. Von Weizbecker replied: There is no doubt that these Arab countries are very great, but when balancing the forces of the motherland, they do not look only at the vastness of the area and the abundance of numbers, but before any consideration, especially in times of war, they care about the number of armed military divisions on each side. Turkey today has about thirty ready divisions, and can increase them to fifty when the general trumpet sounds, while all the Arab countries do not have more than seven regular divisions. As for the energy and resources that the Arab countries possess, they are very great indeed, but unfortunately they are exploited in the interest of the enemies. Including provisions, transportation, wealth, manpower and strategic locations, despite the noses of their people, whose feelings and inclinations we know are with us, but their efforts and wealth are exploited by the enemies, and no Arab cooperates with us except you. (He means those residing in Germany). When he said this, I remembered the words of the Commander of the Faithful, Ali ibn Abi Talib, may God be pleased with him, when he said to him, “Our hearts are with you, O Commander of the Faithful.” He replied, “Truly, your hearts are with me, but your swords are with Muawiyah.” If Weisbakier had known this story, he would have mentioned it. This man’s words saddened me, that the consideration in balancing powers between nations is only |
108 | يكون لعدد الفرق العسكرية، قبل أن يكون لوَفرة العدد أو سعة الرقعة، ورأيت أن أورد هذا الحديث لما فيه من عبرة للأمة العربية، التي لا ينقصها وفرة العدد، ولا سعة الأرض، ولا الثروة العظيمة، ولا المواقع الجغرافية، وإنما تنقصها العزيمة والتنظيم واستغلال تلك الثروة والطاقة، وإنشاء الجيوش الحربية، والمصانع الحربية، ونحوها من وسائل القوة والمنعة. وقد قدر لي بعد ذلك أن أنقل حديث فون وايزبكير، بشأن الحساب الصحيح الذي تقيِّم له الأمم الواعِية وزنًا - وهو عدد الفرق الحربية وقيمتها الحربية - إلى كثير من رجال الأمة العربية المسؤولين، لاستِرعاء أنظارهم إلى أن كثرة عدد العرب وسعة بلادهم لا قيمة لها، إلا بنسبة ما تملكه من قوى عسكرية محاربة حقًا. كانت مقابلتي لأدولف هتلر وفوهور المانيا، وزعيم الرابع الثالث، في الساعة الرابعة والنصف بعد ظهر يوم الجمعة ٢١ نوفمبر ١٩٤١م، ولم أكن أتوقع أن يكون استقبالي في دار المستشارية الشهيرة استقبالًا رسميًا، بل كنت أتوقع مقابلة خاصة في الفورير، ولكني لم أكد أصل إلى الساحة الواسعة أمام دار المستشارية، وأترجل من السيارة أمام مدخل الدار الفخم، حتى فوجئت بعزف الموسيقى العسكرية، وتحيي شرف موفدين من نحو مائتي جندي من حرس الفورير مصطفين في الساحة، وطلب إلي القيم من رجال وزارة الخارجية أن أستعرض الحرس ففعلت، ثم طلعنا إلى المستشارية وسرنا في أروقتها الطويلة بأبّهتها الفخمة، إلى أن انتهينا إلى قاعة الاستقبال الكبرى، كان هناك رئيس تشريفات رئاسة الدولة فاستقبلني، وبعد نحو دقيقة أدخلني إلى غرفة الفورير الخاصة، استقبلني هتلر استقبالًا حارًا، ووجه طلق وعينين معبرتين، وبسرور ظاهر، ودعاني إلى الجلوس بجانبه، وكان يحوط به عدد من كبار رجال حاشيته، ومن مقدمتهم ترجمانه الدكتور شميثن، كان هتلر يتكلم بالألمانية، وكان الدكتور شميثن يترجم لي كلامه إلى اللغة الفرنسية. استهل هتلر حديثه بحرًا وقال: إني سعيد لسلامتكم ولوجودكم في بلاد المحور، ولقد تلقيت سرور عظيمًا من ثباتكم وأبديت عزمكم المشترك، وبعد تلك الرحلة الخطيرة الطويلة من طهران إلى بيروت، ولقد كنت في قلق عليكم، واعترتني خيانات نصركم وبشركم، وأني مطلع على تاريخ حياتك، وقدر لكفاحك في سبيل وطنك وأمتك، ولقد وفقت لرغبة الأمة العربية، في التعاون معنا في الكفاح ضد الأعداء المشتركين، كما أنني مقدر لِكفاحكم في فلسطين، ذلك الكفاح الشعبي | The number of military divisions comes before the abundance of numbers or the vastness of the area, and I saw that I should mention this hadith because of the lesson it contains for the Arab nation, which is not lacking in abundance of numbers, vast land, great wealth, or geographical locations, but rather lacking in determination, organization, and the exploitation of that wealth and energy, and the establishment of military armies, military factories, and other means of strength and immunity. After that, I was able to convey von Weisbecker's hadith, regarding the correct calculation that conscious nations give weight to - which is the number of military divisions and their military value - to many responsible men of the Arab nation, to draw their attention to the fact that the large number of Arabs and the vastness of their country have no value, except in proportion to the military forces they possess that are truly fighting. My meeting with Adolf Hitler, the Fuhrer of Germany and the leader of the Third Fourth, was at 4:30 p.m. on Friday, November 21, 1941. I did not expect to be received in the famous Chancellery as an official reception. Rather, I expected a private meeting in the Führer. However, I had hardly arrived at the large square in front of the Chancellery and got out of the car in front of the magnificent entrance to the house when I was surprised by the playing of military music and the salute of the honor of delegates of about two hundred soldiers from the Führer Guard lined up in the square. The official from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs asked me to review the guard, so I did. Then we went up to the Chancellery and walked through its long corridors with their magnificent splendor until we reached the grand reception hall. There was the head of protocol for the presidency of the state, who received me. After about a minute, he took me into the Führer’s private room. Hitler received me warmly, with a cheerful face and expressive eyes, and with apparent pleasure. He invited me to sit next to him. He was surrounded by a number of senior men from his entourage, led by his interpreter. Dr. Schmitten, Hitler was speaking in German, and Dr. Schmitten was translating his words into French for me. Hitler began his speech freely and said: I am happy for your safety and for your presence in the Axis countries, and I received great pleasure from your steadfastness and your joint determination, and after that long dangerous journey from Tehran to Beirut, and I was worried about you, and I was overcome by the betrayals of your victory and your good news, and I am familiar with the history of your life, and I appreciate your struggle for your homeland and your nation, and I have succeeded in the desire of the Arab nation, to cooperate with us in the struggle against the common enemies, and I also appreciate your struggle in Palestine, that popular struggle |
109 | العظيم، الذي قاموا به ضد الامبراطورية البريطانية، واليهودية العالمية، دون نصير، إلا إيمانهم بحقهم ودفاعاً عن وطنهم! ثم سكت هتلر ليفسح لي مجال الحديث، فشكرته على ترحيبه وشعوره الطيب وكلماته اللطيفة، وعلى الحفاوة البالغة التي لقيتها منذ وصولي إلى برلين. ثم تطرقت إلى ذكر أواصر الود القديمة الوثيقة بين المانيا والأقطار الإسلامية والعربية، منذ عهد السلطان عبد الحميد، وأن المانيا في ماضي تاريخها، لم يثبت لها أن اعتدت على أي قطر من الأقطار العربية والإسلامية، كما أنها اليوم تكافح أعدائنا المشتركين: اليهودية العالمية، والدول الاستعمارية، التي تظلم العرب، وهذه الرابطة تربطنا بحكم، وهنا ذكرت له الأمل الذي تعلقه الأقطار العربية على المانيا، وأنها تنتظر لها النصر لتحقيق تلك الآمال، وشرحت له جهد الأمة العربية للتخلص من الاستعمار والصهيونية، وما تتطلبه لتحقيق هذه الآمال، وما عاناه العرب من بني الدول الاستعمارية، وفي مقدمتها انكلترا، التي خدعتهم في الحرب الماضية، ونكتت عهودها لهم، ثم احتلت بلادههم، ولم تكتف بذلك، بل منحت اليهود وعداً بإنشاء وطن قومي لهم في فلسطين ليجعلوا منها مركزاً لمطامعهم، وراس جسر لزحفهم وتوسعهم، ومحطة يؤثر لهم على الأقطار العربية المجاورة. ثم بسطت له قضية فلسطين وجهاد شعبها العربي، وتصميمه على إلغاء الوطن القومي اليهودي، ومحور آثاره، وتطرقت إلى قضايا الأمة العربية، من استقلال وسيادة ووحدة، وطلبت عقد معاهدة رسمية صريحة، بين العرب والمانيا ودول المحور تشتمل على هذه المطلب الأساسية، وإعلان تصريح رسمي بذلك في الإذاعة، لتطمئن الأمة العربية إلى مستقبلها، وتقبل بهذه الطمأنينة على التعاون معكم في مكافحة الأعداء المشتركين. كان الفوهرر حسن الاستماع، شديد الانتباه لحديثي، فلما انتهيت منه، أجاب عليه بهذه العبارات، التي أوردها نقلاً عن مذكراتي التي سجلتها في ذلك الحين فور خروجي من المقابلة، قال: (إن خطط كفاحي واضحة، وهي أولاً أني أكافح اليهود بدون هوادة، ويدخل في هذا الكفاح ما يقال له «الوطن القومي اليهودي بفلسطين» لأن اليهود إنما يريدون أن يؤسسوا دولة مركزية، لأجل مقاصدهم التدميرية، ونشاطهم الهدام إزاء دول العالم وشعوبه. وإنه من الواضح ان اليهود لم يقوموا بعمل إنشائي في فلسطين، فإن ادعاءهم هذا | the great, which they did against the British Empire and world Jewry, without a supporter, except their belief in their right and in defense of their homeland! Then Hitler stopped to give me the opportunity to speak, so I thanked him for his welcome, his good feelings and his kind words, and for the great hospitality I received since my arrival in Berlin. Then I mentioned the old, close ties of friendship between Germany and the Islamic and Arab countries, since the era of Sultan Abdul Hamid, and that Germany in its past history has never been proven to have attacked any Arab or Islamic country, and that today it is fighting our common enemies: global Jewry and the colonial countries that oppress the Arabs, and this bond connects us to rule, and here I mentioned to him the hope that the Arab countries have for Germany, and that they are waiting for it to win to achieve those hopes, and I explained to him the effort of the Arab nation to get rid of colonialism and Zionism, and what is required to achieve these hopes, and what the Arabs have suffered from the sons of the colonial countries, foremost among them England, which deceived them in the last war, and broke its promises to them, then occupied their country, and did not stop there, but gave the Jews a promise to establish a national homeland for them in Palestine to make it a center for their ambitions, and a bridgehead for their advance and expansion, and a station that would influence them over the neighboring Arab countries. Then I explained to him the issue of Palestine and the struggle of its Arab people, and their determination to abolish the Jewish national homeland, and the axis of its effects, and I touched upon the issues of the Arab nation, from independence, sovereignty and unity, and I requested the conclusion of an official, explicit treaty between the Arabs and Germany and the Axis powers that includes this basic demand, and the announcement of an official statement to that effect on the radio, so that the Arab nation may be reassured about its future, and accept with this reassurance the cooperation with you in combating the common enemies. The Führer was a good listener, very attentive to my talk, and when I finished, he responded to me with these phrases, which he quoted from my memoirs that I recorded at that time immediately after I left the interview. He said: "My plans for struggle are clear, and they are first that I fight the Jews without mercy, and this struggle includes what is called 'the Jewish national home in Palestine' because the Jews only want to establish a central state, for the sake of their destructive aims and their destructive activity towards the countries and peoples of the world. It is clear that the Jews did not carry out any construction work in Palestine, so their claim is |
110 | كذب وإن كل الأعمال الإنشائية التي أقيمت في فلسطين، يرجع فضلها إلى العرب لا إلى اليهود. إنني مصمم على أن أجد حلاً للمشكلة اليهودية، خطوة فخطوة، وبدون انقطاع، وإنني سأوجه الدعوة اللازمة إلى جميع البلاد الأوروبية، ثم إلى البلاد التي هي خارج أوروبا، في هذا الشأن. وإن مهمتي الأساسية، ورسالتي الأولى في الحياة، هي تصفية قضية اليهودية العالمية، فإن اليهودية العالمية، بتنظيماتها الواسعة، ونياتها السيئة نحو العالم تشكل خطراً هائلاً يهدد الإنسانية جمعاء) وكانت الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية قد دخلت الحرب حيتئذ ضد اليابان فقال: (أليس من الغريب أن يتعاون الخصمان المتناقضان في المبادئ والأهداف، أقصى اليمين (أمريكا) مع أقصى اليسار (روسيا)! إنه تناقض مبين، ولكن اليهودية العالمية استطاعت بوسائلها الشيطانية أن تجمع بين النقيضين، الرأسمالية والاشتراكية المتطرفة، وتقرنهما بجبل واحد وتسوقهما معاً لخدمة أهدافها، وتحقيق أغراضها في مقاومتنا لكن هذا لا يمكن أن يستمر طويلاً، لأنه غير طبيعي). واستطرد هتلر قائلاً: «إننا الآن في صراع الحياة أو الموت، وأن هذا الصراع سوف لا يفصل بين الوطنية الاشتراكية واليهودية فحسب، بل إن قيادة هذا الكفاح الناجحة، ستأتي بالمساعدة الصحيحة الإيجابية للعرب، الذين هم واقفون فقط لأن الطيبين العاطفي لا فائدة فيه مطلقاً، ولكن الضمانات التي تدعمها قوة ظاهرة، فقط هي التي يكون لها قيمة حقيقية. ففي الحرب العراقية، مثلاً كان عطف الشعب الألماني يتجه نحو العراق. وكان من قصدنا أن نقدم المساعدات للعراق، ولكن الظروف منعتنا من إمداده بالمساعدة الحقيقية. إن الشعب الألماني رأى في القائمين بحركة العراق أملاء لأمته لأن الشعب الألماني عانى كما عانوا، وإن كل المساعدات التي قدمناها للعراق لم تكن كافية لمساعدته ضد القوة البريطانية. لا أستطيع الآن أن أتكلم كرجل ذي عقيدة، وكزعيم عسكري وكجندي، وكل من وجد نفسه منسجماً في هذا الكفاح العظيم، وساهم في مساعدته ونجاحه، فإنه يخدم القضية العربية، ولا يمكن أن يفيد القضية العربية، إلا إذا نحسن تدبير الخطوات التي تفضي إلى القضاء على اليهودية العالمية وإنجلترا وسائر خصومنا، من الخطوات التي تضرنا، فإذا انتصرنا في هذه الحرب فإن ساعة تحقيق أماني العرب تكون قد حانت أيضا. إن الموقف الآن هو كما يأتي: إننا نقوم بكفاح جبار في سبيل افتتاح الطرق إلى | lie, and all the construction work that was carried out in Palestine is due to the Arabs, not to the Jews. I am determined to find a solution to the Jewish problem, step by step, without interruption, and I will address the necessary invitation to all European countries, and then to the countries outside Europe, in this regard. My main task, and my first message in life, is to liquidate the issue of world Jewry, for world Jewry, with its extensive organizations, and its bad intentions towards the world, constitutes a tremendous danger that threatens all of humanity.” The United States of America had entered the war against Japan at that time, so he said: “Isn’t it strange that the two opponents who are contradictory in principles and goals, the extreme right (America) and the extreme left (Russia) cooperate! It is a clear contradiction, but world Jewry was able, by its diabolical means, to bring together the two opposites, capitalism and extreme socialism, and link them to one mountain and drive them together to serve its goals and achieve its purposes in resisting us, but this cannot continue for long, because it is unnatural.” Hitler continued: “We are now in a life-and-death struggle, and this struggle will not only separate National Socialism from Judaism, but the successful leadership of this struggle will bring correct, positive assistance to the Arabs, who are standing by only because sentimental kindness is of no use at all, but only guarantees supported by apparent force have real value. In the Iraq war, for example, the sympathy of the German people was directed towards Iraq. We intended to provide assistance to Iraq, but circumstances prevented us from providing it with real assistance. The German people saw in those who led the Iraq movement a hope for their nation because the German people suffered as they did, and all the assistance we provided to Iraq was not enough to help it against British power. I cannot now speak as a man of faith, as a military leader, as a soldier, and as anyone who finds himself in harmony with this great struggle, and contributes to its assistance and success, serves the Arab cause, and cannot benefit the Arab cause, unless we properly manage the steps that lead to the elimination of world Jewry, England, and all our opponents, from the steps that harm us. If we are victorious in this war, the hour of the realization of the Arabs’ aspirations will have also come. The position now is as follows: We are waging a mighty struggle to open the roads to |
111 | شمالي القوفاز، والصعوبات في هذا ناشئة عن وسائل النقل، بسبب الخطوط الحديدية المدمرة والطرق، وكذلك بسبب الشتاء والثلوج، فإذا استعجل في هذا الظرف بإعطاء تصريح يتضمن موالاة لديغول في فرنسا ستقوى، وهذا سيكون سبباً لانحلال فرنسا، وهؤلاء الناس أي (الفرنسيون) سيعتقدون أن موقفهم مع بريطانيا سيكون أكثر ملاءمة لهم والغفلة في قضية سوريا، سيتخذونه مثلاً يطبق على الامبراطورية الفرنسية، وسيقوى موقف ديغول في المستعمرات، فإذا أعطي تصريح الآن فستنقلب مصاعب في غرب أوروبا، وستكون سببا في مشاغلة بعض قوى الدفاع، وسيبقى لمنعنا من دفع جميع القوى إلى الشرق. سأقول لكم الآن شيئاً أرجو ان يبقى مكتوماً لديكم: أولاً: سأستمر في كفاحي إلى أن تدمر اليهودية الدولية تماماً. ثانياً: وفي أثناء هذا الكفاح، وعندما تصبح فرق الدبابات الألمانية، وأسراب الجو، واقفة في منحدرات جنوبي القوقاز، يكون قد حان الوقت الملائم لإذاعة التصريح الرسمي، لأن ساعة تحرير العرب قد دقت. إن المانيا ليس لها في البلاد العربية أية مطامع، إلا القضاء على القوى التي تحمي اليهودية العالمية. ثالثاً: إني سعيد لنجاحكم، ولأنكم الآن عند دول المحور، وستأتي الساعة الملازمة التي توجهون فيها القوى العربية لتحرير العرب، وحينذاك لا أبالي برد الفعل الذي يحدثه التصريح الرسمي في الشعوب الأخرى. رابعاً: في رأيي أنه في تقدمنا هذا، يكون قد بدأ انهيار عالم الدولة البريطانية. إن الطريق إلى (روستوف) إلى إيران فالعراق، هو أقصر من الطريق من برلين إلى روستوف، وأنا نأمل أن نفتح هذا الباب في السنة القادمة، إني أقدر شرف الشرق إلى هذا التصريح، ولكن أحب أن تخطو علماً، بأني لم أعط قط أي تصريح رسمي، منذ تسلمي مقاليد الحكم في المانيا، إلى ما بعد خمس سنوات، عندما أصبحنا من القوة بدرجة نستطيع معها أن ندعم تصريحنا بقوة السلاح». فلما أدركت أن هتلر لا يرغب الآن في إعلان التصريح الرسمي الذي طلبته منه، بالاعتراف باستقلال الأمة العربية ووحدتها، وأنه يرى إرجاء ذلك إلى ما بعد فتح القوقاز، واطمأنانه إلى موقف المانيا العسكري، اقترحت عليه عقد اتفاق | the North Caucasus, and the difficulties in this are due to the means of transport, because of the destroyed railways and roads, and also because of the winter and snow, so if he is in a hurry to give a statement that includes loyalty to de Gaulle in France, it will be strengthened, and this will be a cause of the dissolution of France, and these people, that is, the French, will think that their position with Britain will be more suitable for them and the negligence in the Syrian question, they will take it as an example to be applied to the French Empire, and de Gaulle's position in the colonies will be strengthened, so if he gives a statement now, it will turn into difficulties in Western Europe, and it will be a cause of preoccupation for some of the defensive forces, and it will remain to prevent us from pushing all the forces to the East. I will tell you now something that I hope you will keep secret: First: I will continue my struggle until international Jewry is completely destroyed. Second: During this struggle, when the German tank divisions and air squadrons are stationed on the slopes of the southern Caucasus, the time will have come to issue an official declaration, because the hour of Arab liberation has struck. Germany has no ambitions in the Arab countries except to destroy the forces that protect world Jewry. Third: I am happy with your success, because you are now with the Axis powers, and the time will come when you will direct the Arab forces to liberate the Arabs, and then I do not care what reaction the official declaration will produce in other peoples. Fourth: In my opinion, with our progress, the collapse of the British state world has begun. The road to Rostov to Iran and Iraq is shorter than the road from Berlin to Rostov, and I hope to open this door next year. I appreciate the honor of the East in this statement, but I would like you to note that I never gave any official statement, since I took over the reins of power in Germany, until after five years, when we became strong enough to support our statement with force of arms. When I realized that Hitler did not now wish to announce the official statement I had asked him to make, recognizing the independence and unity of the Arab nation, and that he saw that this should be postponed until after the conquest of the Caucasus and his reassurance of Germany’s military position, I suggested to him that we conclude an agreement |